SPEAKERS CONTENTS INSERTS
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2006
ANGOLA'S LONG-DELAYED ELECTION
HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND INTERNATIONAL OPERATIONS
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED NINTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
JULY 20, 2006
Serial No. 109–195
Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations
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Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.house.gov/international—relations
COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois, Chairman
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey,
Vice Chairman
DAN BURTON, Indiana
ELTON GALLEGLY, California
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida
DANA ROHRABACHER, California
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California
PETER T. KING, New York
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio
THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado
RON PAUL, Texas
DARRELL ISSA, California
JEFF FLAKE, Arizona
JO ANN DAVIS, Virginia
MARK GREEN, Wisconsin
JERRY WELLER, Illinois
MIKE PENCE, Indiana
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THADDEUS G. McCOTTER, Michigan
KATHERINE HARRIS, Florida
JOE WILSON, South Carolina
JOHN BOOZMAN, Arkansas
J. GRESHAM BARRETT, South Carolina
CONNIE MACK, Florida
JEFF FORTENBERRY, Nebraska
MICHAEL McCAUL, Texas
TED POE, Texas
TOM LANTOS, California
HOWARD L. BERMAN, California
GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York
ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American Samoa
DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
BRAD SHERMAN, California
ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York
WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts
GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
BARBARA LEE, California
JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York
EARL BLUMENAUER, Oregon
SHELLEY BERKLEY, Nevada
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GRACE F. NAPOLITANO, California
ADAM B. SCHIFF, California
DIANE E. WATSON, California
ADAM SMITH, Washington
BETTY McCOLLUM, Minnesota
BEN CHANDLER, Kentucky
DENNIS A. CARDOZA, California
RUSS CARNAHAN, Missouri
THOMAS E. MOONEY, SR., Staff Director/General Counsel
ROBERT R. KING, Democratic Staff Director
Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operations
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, Chairman
THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado
JEFF FLAKE, Arizona
MARK GREEN, Wisconsin
JOHN BOOZMAN, Arkansas
JEFF FORTENBERRY, Nebraska
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California,
Vice Chairman
DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
BARBARA LEE, California
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DIANE E. WATSON, California
BETTY McCOLLUM, Minnesota
EARL BLUMENAUER, Oregon
MARY M. NOONAN, Subcommittee Staff Director
GREG SIMPKINS, Subcommittee Professional Staff Member
NOELLE LUSANE, Democratic Professional Staff Member
SHERI A. RICKERT, Subcommittee Professional Staff Member and Counsel
LINDSEY M. PLUMLEY, Staff Associate
C O N T E N T S
WITNESSES
Mr. Dan Mozena, Director, Office of Southern African Affairs, Bureau of African Affairs, U.S. Department of State
Paul Bonicelli, Ph.D., Deputy Assistant Administrator for Democracy and Governance, U.S. Agency for International Development
The Honorable Josefina Pitra Diakite, Ambassador, The Embassy of the Republic of Angola
Mr. Alcides Sakala Simoes, President, Parliamentary Group of Unita, National Assembly, Luanda, Angola
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Mr. Richard W. Soudriette, President and Chief Executive Officer, International Foundation for Election Systems
LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING
The Honorable Christopher H. Smith, a Representative in Congress from the State of New Jersey, and Chairman, Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operations: Prepared statement
Mr. Dan Mozena: Prepared statement
Paul Bonicelli, Ph.D.: Prepared statement
The Honorable Josefina Pitra Diakite: Prepared statement
Mr. Alcides Sakala Simoes: Prepared statement
Mr. Richard W. Soudriette: Prepared statement
The Honorable Donald M. Payne, a Representative in Congress from the State of New Jersey: Prepared statement
APPENDIX
Responses from Mr. Dan Mozena to questions submitted for the record by the Honorable Christopher H. Smith
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ANGOLA'S LONG-DELAYED ELECTION
THURSDAY, JULY 20, 2006
House of Representatives,
Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights
and International Operations,
Committee on International Relations,
Washington, DC.
The Subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:30 p.m., in room 2255, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Christopher H. Smith (Chairman of the Subcommittee) presiding.
Mr. SMITH. The Committee will come to order.
Let me begin by apologizing for the lateness of convening this hearing. We did have two votes that came up on the Floor, and obviously, they just finished. So, I apologize to our witnesses and to our guests for that rather lengthy delay of 40 minutes.
I also want to point out that there is a hearing occurring in the Full Committee on the proposed sale of F–16s to Pakistan.
So, some of our Members will be coming in and out.
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That was not scheduled when we scheduled this hearing. So, there will be some competition there, and that is very, very controversial, but that was a rescheduled hearing of the Full Committee, and normally, we are not allowed to sit as a Subcommittee when the Full Committee meets so that we do not have conflicts, but that was a rescheduling issue.
So, good afternoon, everybody, and while international attention in the region of southern Africa often focuses on the HIV/AIDS pandemic or the blatantly undemocratic tactics of Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe, less attention is directed toward the institutionalization of democracy in Angola in the run-up to its long-awaited national elections, targeted to be held in September 2006.
Yet the outcome of this election is important, not only for Angola itself, and for the region, but also for the United States.
Angola is one of the world's largest diamond producers, and its Okavango river basin provides valuable water to Namibia and Botswana.
It is the second largest oil producer in sub-Saharan Africa, and in May 2006, Angola exported 356,000 barrels per day to the United States, making it one of the U.S.'s top 10 oil importers.
By way of background, during the 1970s, Angola was engaged in a 14-year armed struggle for freedom from Portugal, the colonial power.
The Portuguese gave up control of Angola in November 1975, but they did not resolve the question of who would form the government in Angola before leaving. As a result, three liberation movements fought for control of the country for 2 years, until the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola, or the MPLA, took control of the government in 1977.
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However, the civil war, which began in the months before independence, and was fueled by superpower Cold War competition, raged on. There were a few cease-fire agreements over the next decade, but it wasn't until May 1991 that peace was sufficiently established to allow Angola to hold its first-ever election, scheduled for September 1992.
There were numerous obstacles along the way to these elections.
Uncertain disarmament of soldiers, problematic exchanges of prisoners, discoveries of hidden weapons, assassinations of political party officials and other crises threatened to derail Angola's elections, but the process continued to move forward.
Not even a brief controversy over an early end to the registration of voters in opposition areas could derail the process.
On September the 29th and 30th of 1999, Angola's first elections were held. President Jose Eduardo dos Santos won slightly less than 50 percent of the vote, while opposition leader Jonas Savimbi won 40 percent.
The MPLA won 129 seats in the 220-seat National Assembly, and Savimbi's National Union for the Total Independence of Angola, or UNITA, won 77 seats.
Savimbi had expected to win the election and seemed unprepared to accept defeat. However, Margaret Anstee, the United Nations Special Representative in Angola, declared the elections she helped to oversee to be essentially free and fair, despite irregularities.
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In the post-election wrangling, an agreement was reached to hold the required presidential election run-off, since no candidate won a majority of the vote. Unfortunately, the hostile rhetoric continued to escalate, and warfare restarted just as Angola appeared ready to emerge from its long history of conflict.
The renewed warfare stopped and started, but it didn't finally end until the death of Savimbi in a shoot-out with government troops in February 2002. Since then, Angola has moved toward its long-delayed elections, again in fits and starts.
Two years ago, the Government of Angola set September 2006 as the target time-frame for elections.
Among the electoral assistance Angola will be receiving in preparation for the elections is technical assistance from three American organizations: The International Foundation for Electoral Assistance, which is represented at our hearing today by its president, Richard Soudriette; the International Republican Institute, or IRI; and the National Democratic Institute.
The purpose of today's hearing is to allow Congress to gain a better understanding of the challenges faced by the Angolan Government, the ruling party, and the political opposition.
If our Government is to be of assistance in preparing for these important elections, we need to know exactly what remains to be done and how we can make the next elections an effective means for the Angolan people to express their political will.
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According to the current State Department Country Report on Human Rights Practices, the right of Angolan citizens to change their government at all levels has been compromised, largely due to the continued delay in holding elections, but also because of other issues.
Angolan law provides for freedom of speech and assembly, but in practice, both rights have been restricted by the government.
Moreover, opposition parties have reported acts of political intolerance by supporters of the MPLA.
There were reports in March of last year that supporters of the Social Renovation Party were chased out of two municipalities in Moxico Province, and a few weeks later, MPLA activists reportedly burned down eight homes of UNITA supporters.
Since then, MPLA and opposition parties have met to discuss issues related to the election, including acts of harassment, and we hope to learn today from our witnesses whether those talks have resolved these problems.
I would like to now yield to my good friend and colleague, Ms. Lee, for any opening comments that she might have.
[The prepared statement of Chairman Smith follows:]
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PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY AND CHAIRMAN, SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND INTERNATIONAL OPERATIONS
Good Afternoon. While international attention in the region of southern Africa often focuses on the HIV–AIDS pandemic or the blatantly undemocratic tactics of Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe, less attention is directed towards the institutionalization of democracy in Angola in the run-up to its long-awaited national elections, targeted to be held in September 2006.
Yet the outcome of this election is important not only for Angola itself and for the region, but also for the United States. Angola is one of the world's largest diamond producers and its Okavango river basin provides valuable water to Namibia and Botswana. It is the second biggest oil producer in sub-Saharan Africa, and in May 2006, Angola exported 356 thousand barrels per day to the United States, making it one of the US' top 10 oil importers.
During the 1970s, Angola was engaged in 14-year armed struggle for freedom from Portugal, the colonial power. The Portuguese gave up control of Angola in November 1975, but they did not resolve the question of who would form the government in Angola before leaving. As a result, three liberation movements fought for control of the country for two years until the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola, or MPLA, took control of the government in 1977.
However, the civil war, which began in the months before independence and was fueled by superpower Cold War competition, raged on. There were a few cease-fire agreements over the next decade, but it wasn't until the Bicesse Accords signed in May 1991 that peace was sufficiently established to allow Angola to hold its first-ever elections—scheduled for September 1992.
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There were numerous obstacles along the way to those elections. Uncertain disarmament of soldiers, problematic exchanges of prisoners, discoveries of hidden weapons, assassinations of political party officials and other crises threatened to derail Angola's elections, but the process continued to move forward. Not even a brief controversy over an early end to registration of voters in opposition areas could derail the process.
So on September 29th and 30th1999, Angola's first elections were held. President José Eduardo dos Santos won slightly less than 50% of the vote, while opposition leader Jonas Savimbi won 40%. The MPLA won 129 seats in the 220-seat National Assembly and Savimbi's National Union for the total Independence of Angola, or UNITA, won 77 seats.
Savimbi had expected to win the election and seemed unprepared to accept defeat. However, Margaret Anstee, the United Nations Special Representative in Angola declared the elections she helped oversee to be essentially free and fair, despite irregularities. In the post-election wrangling, an agreement was reached to hold the required Presidential election run-off, since no candidate won a majority of the vote. Unfortunately, the hostile rhetoric continued to escalate and warfare restarted just as Angola appeared ready to emerge from its long history of conflict.
The renewed warfare stopped and started, but didn't finally end until the death of Savimbi in a shoot-out with government troops in February 2002. Since then, Angola has moved toward its long-delayed elections—again in fits and starts.
Two years ago, the Government of Angola set September 2006 as the target time-frame for elections. Among the electoral assistance Angola will be receiving in preparation for the elections is technical assistance from three American organizations: the International Foundation for Electoral Assistance, which is represented at our hearing today by its President, Richard Soudriette; the International Republican Institute, and the National Democratic Institute.
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The purpose of today's hearing is to allow Congress to gain a better understanding of the challenges faced by the Angolan government, the ruling party and the political opposition. If our government is to be of assistance in preparing for these important elections, we need to know exactly what remains to be done and how we can help make the next elections an effective means for the Angolan people to express their political will.
According to the current State Department Country Report on Human Rights Practices, the right of Angolan citizens to change their government at all levels has been compromised, largely due to the continued delay in holding elections, but also because of other issues. Angolan law provides for freedom of speech and assembly, but in practice, both rights have been restricted by the government.
Moreover, opposition parties have reported acts of political intolerance by supporters of the MPLA. There were reports in March of last year that supporters of the Social Renovation Party were chased out of two municipalities in Moxico Province, and a few weeks later, MPLA activists reportedly burned down eight homes of UNITA supporters. Since then, MPLA and opposition parties met to discuss issues related to the election, including acts of harassment. We will learn from our witnesses today whether those talks have resolved these problems.
There are some positive signs that this election may succeed. Among them are the passage of an electoral law by the National Assembly and the establishment of a national electoral commission. I regret that its chairman Dr. Caetano de Sousa, was unable to be with us today, but he said it was critical for him to continue working on the electoral schedule.
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Congress was once divided between supporters of the MPLA and supporters of UNITA. Today, we are united in our interest in helping one of our major suppliers of oil to enjoy the lasting benefits of peace and to achieve the kind of economic development this nation, with so many natural and human resources, deserves after so many decades of war and suffering.
Ms. LEE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I want to welcome our witnesses, and look forward to your testimony.
I guess one of the—and I remember very well the struggle for Angolan independence, and all of the issues surrounding the current circumstances, but I am puzzled and I have not figured out yet—and maybe this hearing will explain why the elections continue to be postponed, why—and do Angolans see their government as being responsive to their needs?
I guess, what, 70 percent of the population is living in poverty. Over 30 percent are illiterate, of course, the majority of whom are women.
There are about—and I was shocked to see this—about 320,000 people living with HIV and AIDS, and so, given the crisis, the humanitarian crisis, quite frankly, that Angola is faced with, what type of government is in place, and how is this government responding to the needs of the people?
So, I look forward to the testimony, and look forward to understanding a bit more about Angola's form of democracy and what this means in terms of participation by the people.
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Thank you very much.
Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much, Ms. Lee.
I would like to now introduce our first panel, beginning with Mr. Dan Mozena, who became director of the Office of Southern African Affairs in the State Department on August 16th of 2004.
As director, he has established as his highest priority developing and supporting United States policies to help southern Africa fight and win the war against HIV/AIDS, strengthen democracy and improve governance, enhance regional stability, and promote economic growth to reduce poverty.
Before assuming his current position, he has had a long career in Africa, including deputy chief of the mission in Zambia, as well as serving as office-in-charge for South Africa during its historic transition from apartheid to democracy.
We will then hear from Dr. Paul Bonicelli, who is the deputy assistant administrator for USAID and has the primary responsibility for its democracy and governance programs, where he coordinates government foreign assistance for democracy promotion, working, in particular, with the State Department and the National Security Council.
Before joining USAID, Dr. Bonicelli was on the professional staff of the House International Relations Committee, where he focused on development, democratization, and on the drug war.
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In 2001 and 2002, he served as an official delegate to the UN, and we worked together at the Summit for Children there, and also, obviously, when he worked right here, working with our staff.
So, please, Mr. Mozena.
STATEMENT OF MR. DAN MOZENA, DIRECTOR, OFFICE OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN AFFAIRS, BUREAU OF AFRICAN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Mr. MOZENA. Mr. Chairman, Congresswoman Lee, thank you very much for inviting me to join you today to discuss Angola and its election prospects.
With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like to submit for the record my written statement.
Mr. SMITH. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. MOZENA. I would also like to recognize two individuals from my staff who have helped prepare me for this testimony, and that would be Ms. Jeanne Maloney and Mr. Saul Garlick, as well as Ms. Kathleen Moody from our legislative office.
I am very pleased to join USAID Deputy Assistant Administrator, Dr. Paul Bonicelli, in this discussion this afternoon.
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Angola is a country with vast natural resources and great potential for economic development and prosperity.
Democracy is emerging in Angola, a country facing the challenges of building democratic institutions after centuries of colonial rule and a 27-year civil war.
The last election, as the Chairman just related, was held in 1992.
Now-President Jose Eduardo dos Santos won the plurality during the first round balloting in those elections, but there was no second round, as Jonas Sauimbi, who had finished second in that vote, alleged fraud, retreated to the bush, and resumed civil war.
Today, President dos Santos leads a stable and potentially prosperous country.
Angola is now working to address fundamental issues of democratization and corruption.
During my March 2006 visit to Angola, I emphasized how critically important elections are, not only to building a strong democracy, but also to create a secure and stable business environment attractive to investors.
Although uncertainty remains regarding the date of elections, the Government of Angola continues to take important steps to prepare for them.
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In 2005, Angola passed electoral laws establishing the framework for elections. The laws were the result of a consultative process involving civil society, as well as all political parties.
An independent national election commission consisting of 11 members was created to oversee the election process, including voter registration.
Technical work and preparations for voter registration are underway now.
Nonetheless, it is unlikely that elections will be held in 2006.
President dos Santos, in his New Year's address in January, urged the country to increase the pace of infrastructure improvements and emphasized that the risk of land mines must be addressed to ensure that voters have safe access to polling places.
He called for elections to be held no later than 2007, and we urge the Government of Angola to move expeditiously toward those elections.
United States foreign policy priorities in Angola are shifting from emergency humanitarian needs to supporting Angola's development and reconstruction.
We seek to strengthen democracy and governance, promote respect for human rights, support economic growth and development, improve health, and increase regional security.
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On a personal note, and picking up on a comment made by Congresswoman Lee, and as a person who recently completed a 3-year tour in Zambia, where I witnessed firsthand the devastating impact of HIV/AIDS, I deeply hope that we and other donors are successful in helping Angola avoid the scourge of HIV/AIDS.
Surely it is better to prevent AIDS than fight the pandemic after it has taken root.
Other issues critical to solidifying a democratic and prosperous Angola include economic reform, good governance, and improved health care.
There are signs of progress on anti-corruption and transparency efforts.
We are encouraged by the Angolan Government's recent indication that it is taking steps to join the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, which would send a positive signal that the government is committed to transparency.
We also encourage investor nations—and I am including China, which is now Angola's biggest oil export market—to promote transparency in dealings with Angola.
Angola has been at peace for almost 4 years. The peace must now be consolidated through free and fair elections, increased investment in infrastructure, reduced corruption, and improved social programs that benefit all Angolans.
The United States will continue to encourage elections and democracy in Angola, as well as economic reform and transparency.
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Both nations have much to gain from an ever-strengthening bilateral relationship in terms of peace and prosperity.
We will continue to assist Angola to reach its potential, and look forward to working with the Angolan Government in building a more democratic, transparent, and prosperous nation.
Mr. Chairman, Chairwoman Lee, I greatly appreciate this opportunity to share a few thoughts with you, and I look forward to your question and answers.
[The prepared statement of Dan Mozena follows:]
PREPARED STATEMENT OF MR. DAN MOZENA, DIRECTOR, OFFICE OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN AFFAIRS, BUREAU OF AFRICAN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
INTRODUCTION
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee, thank you for inviting me to join you today to discuss Angola and its election prospects. I am pleased to join USAID Deputy Assistant Administrator Dr. Paul Bonicelli in this exchange. Angola is a country with vast natural resources and great potential for economic development and prosperity. Now, almost four years after the end of a devastating civil war spanning nearly three decades, Angola is beginning to rebuild its tattered infrastructure and institutions.
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Democracy is emerging in Angola, which is facing the challenges of building democratic institutions after a 27-year civil war. The country's first elections held in 1992 ended in violence when UNITA's Jonas Savimbi rejected the results of the first round of the presidential election and returned to war. The country's president, Jose Eduardo dos Santos, has been in power since the death in 1979 of Angola's first president, Agostinho Neto. Since the 1992 elections were not completed, dos Santos was never technically elected. The end of Angola's civil war in 2002, following the death of Jonas Savimbi, opened the door to lasting peace, and renewed hopes of democratic revitalization. President dos Santos is today the leader of a stable and potentially prosperous country, but Angola has a long road ahead as it works to address fundamental issues of democratization and corruption.
U.S. foreign policy priorities in Angola are shifting from emergency humanitarian needs to supporting Angola's development and reconstruction. Our goals are to strengthen democracy and governance, promote respect for human rights, support economic growth and development, improve health, and increase regional security. Angola has been at peace for almost four years. The peace must be consolidated through free and fair elections, increased investment on infrastructure, reduced corruption, and improved social programs that benefit all Angolan people. A democratic and economically progressive Angola would have a positive impact on the continent, and contribute to regional stability. With petroleum reserves yielding around 1.4 million barrels of oil per day, a rapidly decreasing inflation rate, and the highest economic growth rate in the world at nearly 20%, a democratic and economically progressive Angola will also have resounding effects in ensuring a strong business environment and serving as a source of stability in the global energy market. A healthy and stable Angolan economy will also energize the economies of the central and southern African region.
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During my March 2006 visit to Angola, I emphasized how critically important elections are not only to building a strong democracy but also to the creation of a secure and stable business environment attractive to investors. President Bush noted at a recent White House event honoring four African recipients of the prestigious Democracy Award from the National Endowment for Democracy that ''people everywhere desire to be free . . . freedom does not just belong to American citizens. Freedom belongs to everybody.'' The President's comments resonate for Angolans, too.
ELECTION PROSPECTS
While there remains uncertainty regarding the date of elections, the Government of Angola continues to take important steps to prepare for the process. In 2005, Angola passed electoral laws establishing the framework for elections. The laws were the result of a consultative process involving civil society as well as all political parties. An independent National Election Commission (NEC), consisting of 11 members, was created to oversee the election process, including voter registration. Although technical work and preparations for voter registration are underway, it appears unlikely that elections will be held in 2006. President dos Santos in his New Year's address in January 2006 urged the country to increase the pace of infrastructure improvements and emphasized that the risk of landmines must be addressed in order to ensure that voters have safe access to polling places. He called for elections to be held no later than 2007.
The United States Government has consistently maintained the importance of holding parliamentary and presidential elections in a timely manner. We have contributed to strengthening democracy by providing training to all political parties and to civil society. My colleague from USAID, Dr. Bonicelli, will provide more details on this. Because of the 1992 election experience, some Angolans, especially those in the provinces, associate elections with violence and war. Our work is helping educate the population on elections and on conflict resolution through dialogue. We have helped support marginalized elements to discover their voice and participate effectively in the election preparation process. We have also maintained that independent media is crucial to free and fair elections. The USG has supported media freedom through funding and technical training with positive results. The Press Law passed this year provides the initial framework for the licensing of independent radio stations throughout the country to complement the energetic discussion of political issues by independent radio stations now reaching one-third of the population residing in Luanda and Bengo provinces.
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We have consistently called for democratic elections in Angola, but the decision to move toward freedom and democracy lies with the Government and the people of Angola. As Assistant Secretary Frazer stated earlier this year, ''The United States will support democratic movements in Africa.''
OTHER ISSUES
Other issues critical to solidifying a democratic and prosperous Angola include economic reform and good governance, and improved health care. There are signs of progress on anti-corruption and transparency efforts. We welcome the increasingly transparent publishing of oil revenues and budgets, and are encouraged by Angola's movement toward ratification of the United Nations and African Union anticorruption conventions. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have noted positive steps by the Angolan government to eliminate off-budget expenditures and the international community witnessed a recent oil concession round praised for its unprecedented openness and transparency. The Angolan government has authorized the publication of IMF and World Bank reports on public websites and has itself published excerpts of the reports in government-controlled media. Such steps help make the government more directly accountable to the public.
The U.S. Government is providing technical assistance to help the Angolan Government staff and train a Fiscal Programming Unit, which strengthens the government's economic planning and fiscal programming capacity. This capacity is particularly important in a country such as Angola, where authorities must develop a plan to use volatile short-term oil gains in support of long-term poverty reduction objectives. We are encouraged by the Angolan Government's recent indication that it is taking steps to join the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), which would send a positive signal to the Angolan public that the government is committed to transparency. We also encourage investor nations, including China, now Angola's biggest oil export market, to promote transparency in dealings with Angola. We have promoted the benefits of economic diversification to help build employment in non-oil sectors, including agriculture, and have encouraged Angola to take greater advantage of the African Growth and Opportunity Act and increase its exports to the United States. We also welcome institutional support to improve the ability of the provincial and municipal governments to monitor expenditures.
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American oil companies have actively participated in building and developing the Angolan economy by procuring more goods and services from local companies and supporting local entrepreneurs through a variety of capacity-building initiatives, strengthening Angola's private sector and forming productive linkages between the oil industry and the rest of Angola's economy. Angolan officials have called for greatly increased foreign and domestic investment to diversify its economy and provide additional jobs and prosperity for people throughout the country. Currently at least thirty US companies and 6000 US citizens operate and work in Angola. The overwhelming majority of these employees are associated with the oil sector. An improved business environment will attract further investment. The government has taken positive steps by passing an Investment Law, which provides incentives for private investment and setting up a ''One-Stop Shop'' to streamline business registration procedures.
Roughly 40% of Angolan oil comes from the Angolan enclave of Cabinda, separated from the rest of the country by the Congo River and a narrow strip of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Since Angola's independence in 1975 from Portugal, Cabinda has been the site of an armed conflict challenging the Angolan government's control over the province. Today, the Angolan Government and the Cabinda Forum for Dialogue are nearing a peace settlement, which will reinforce stability in the country and in the region. The United States supports this pursuit of peace and hopes that the agreement will encourage the full participation of voters in Cabinda in the election process.
Health concerns are, of course, also of grave importance in Angola. Though HIV/AIDS is not yet at epidemic levels in Angola, all of the indicators that preceded the crisis in other parts of sub-Saharan Africa are present. The population is currently just emerging from a cholera epidemic that has affected an estimated 45,000 people, killing more than two thousand Angolans. The Angolan Government needs to invest more of its own resources to address these health crises to ensure that all Angolans prosper as a result of the country's growing wealth. Additionally, malaria continues to plague the population as the primary killer. We are helping to fight malaria under the President's Malaria Initiative. This week an innovative vaccination program sponsored by the Government of Angola and supported by USAID, CDC, Exxon-Mobil, the American Red Cross, UNICEF, WHO, Rotary International, CORE, and our international partners, the Governments of Norway, Great Britain, Canada and Japan, will be launched that will protect more than 3 million children against polio, measles, malaria, vitamin A deficiency and parasites.
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THE WAY FORWARD
The United States will continue to encourage elections and democracy in Angola, as well as economic reform and transparency. Both nations have much to gain from a lasting bilateral relationship in terms of peace and prosperity. We will continue to assist Angola to reach its potential and look forward to working with the Angolan government in building a more democratic, transparent and prosperous society, which will also have a positive impact on the region generally.
Mr. SMITH. Thank you so much.
Dr. Bonicelli.
STATEMENT OF PAUL BONICELLI, PH.D., DEPUTY ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR FOR DEMOCRACY AND GOVERNANCE, U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Mr. BONICELLI. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman and Congresswoman Lee, it is an honor to appear before you this afternoon, especially—as the Chairman noted, I used to work here.
It is a little more intimidating on this side of the dais.
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I am glad we are not in the big room, but remember what a great staffer I was in the '90s.
I am pleased to join my State colleagues, our partners, representatives of the Angolan Government, to talk about this very important issue.
In addition to being deputy assistant administrator at USAID for our democracy programs at the agency, with Ambassador Tobias' arrival, I have a new role to play, as well, and that is chairing a committee called Governing Justly and Democratically for the Foreign Assistance Reform, and I just want to say that we continue to look forward to working with the Congress as we reform foreign assistance, and especially to make it more effective as we work on situations such as these that the Subcommittee looks at.
My task is to share USAID's view of Angola's emergent electoral system and to describe the central activities of USAID efforts to improve the inclusiveness and the credibility of those elections.
As Mr. Mozena noted in his remarks, the current political situation is heavily influenced by the history of protracted civil war and the fact that this should be a wealthy country, given all the resources that it has.
I will not repeat much of what he said about the reason that the country is in the position that it is in, but I want to address, specifically, our preparations at USAID, and the way that they work with State Department and the foreign policy as laid out by the President and the Secretary.
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While there have been many delays in Angola's election preparations, there has been momentum over the past 18 months, and I would say this is encouraging.
A package of electoral laws that provide for expanded observation and voter rights was passed in August of last year.
Elections are overseen in Angola by two entities now.
The National Electoral Commission, which is responsible for ensuring electoral integrity, has been appointed, and its members enjoy widespread respect among Angolans.
The other body is the Inter-Ministerial Commission of Electoral Processes. This is responsible for administering the elections, and it has been constituted and begun its work.
However, while these are tangible steps toward elections and they are welcomed, there are still weaknesses in this electoral system.
The new laws did not create a truly independent election administration body in the form of the Inter-Ministerial Commission that I mentioned.
Also, we would like to see the National Election Commission be more energetic, be more pro-active, as it gets organized and begins its operations.
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Also, the government's provision for public funding of political parties needs to be implemented transparently.
Moreover, Angolans still await a final decision on which elections will be held and in what order, which is the main impetus for this hearing.
Let me now speak more specifically about USAID's contributions that support our foreign policy priorities, as Mr. Mozena laid out.
In Angola, we want to strengthen democracy and governance. We want to support economic growth, development, improve health, and promote regional security, and to that end, USAID recently shifted its focus from humanitarian assistance to strengthening democracy and governance, and providing development assistance.
In addition to helping prepare for free and fair elections, we are helping the government develop the systems and human capacity that are essential to achieve these broad-based growth goals.
We support government decentralization efforts and strengthening the quality of dialogue between the Government of Angola and civil society.
USAID also promotes the emergence of a vibrant independent press and is helping to modernize the judiciary.
The objective of USAID elections assistance is to support inclusive and credible elections, as I said earlier. Given Angola's experience in having an election trigger a return to war, the degree to which civil society and political parties are included in all steps of the electoral process adds credibility to the process and builds confidence among Angolans that peaceful, credible elections can be held.
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USAID supports civil society organizations and political parties to, first of all, ensure access to accurate information on electoral issues; two, to increase citizen participation in the electoral process; three, fill capacities for independent election monitoring; four, promote the management and mitigation of election-related conflict, about which I would like to say more; and five, support the development of issue-driven internally democratic political parties.
We have delivered most of this election assistance through the Consortium for Elections and Political Process Strengthening. This is a cooperative agreement known as CEPPS—for those who have been involved in this, you have heard that plenty of times—and it supports programs of the International Republican Institute, the National Democratic Institute, and IFES.
In Angola, IRI's work is focused on political parties, NDI's is focused on civil society, and IFES on election administration.
In addition, NDI has sub-granted funds to an organization called Search for Common Ground for work on election-related conflict mitigation.
Our partners' programs have made many notable achievements.
Civil society successfully advocated for observation of the voter registration process and for a more balanced system for appointing electoral officials and the new electoral laws.
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These same groups are, right now, conducting vibrant voter education campaigns in six provinces. Multi-party forums that enable political parties to interact directly with citizens have been well received, and political parties are even using them in training and registering voters as a basis for their own voter registration drive.
It is important to note that USAID provides assistance to a wide range of political parties in Angola, including the five parties in the National Assembly and additional parties, as long as they have a nationwide basis.
It is important to note that the preparations for elections in anticipation of working with a newly elected democratic government must occur in the context of continued conflict even though the war has been over for some time. Angola is still torn, socially and politically, and that makes the job harder and more than about simply setting up—helping to set up a sound election process.
Mitigating election-related conflicts is critical. To this end, our partners are working provinces that experienced fierce fighting during the war.
Activities include multi-party meetings with local communities that have, in many cases, been the first time that MPLA and UNITA have sat together for a debate in these communities.
In addition, our partners are encouraging meetings of municipal elected stakeholders.
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We work to get governors, political parties, and other local leaders to manage election conflict as it emerges, or prevent it, if possible, but USAID and its partners are not at full speed yet in Angola.
Given the continuing uncertainties about when and how the elections will take place, our assistance thus far has been limited.
We are currently in discussion with the National Elections Commission and other bilateral and multilateral donors to be ready when these uncertainties have been resolved.
Finally, let me close with a comment about the role that USAID understands elections to play in the process of democratization, and it goes to what Congresswoman Lee mentioned in her remarks.
In sum, elections are just one step in the process. USAID intends to maintain robust support for the Angolan electoral process throughout election day, and will support inclusive political competition and promote good governance at all levels of the government through the foreseeable future.
We will continue to support credible inclusive elections that will lead to the inauguration of an administration with the mandate and political will to accelerate the pace of reforms in support of broad-based growth in democratization.
USAID stands ready to support the elected government in strengthening decentralization, improving delivery of decentralized public services, increasing budgetary transparency to combat corruption, and strengthening the quality of the dialogue between the Government of the Republic of Angola and its citizens, and as to your comment, Congresswoman Lee, it seems to me that, as much as we can do regarding women's issues and AIDS and poverty, it is a democratic Angola that will ultimately make the difference there.
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Those kinds of governments can fix those problems better than any other.
Thank you for your time, and I look forward to trying to answer any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Paul Bonicelli follows:]
PREPARED STATEMENT OF PAUL BONICELLI, PH.D., DEPUTY ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR FOR DEMOCRACY AND GOVERNANCE, U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
INTRODUCTION
Mr. Chairman, and Members of the Subcommittee, it is an honor to appear before you this afternoon to speak about USG support for democratic electoral processes in Angola. We are very pleased that the Subcommittee has asked for the U.S. Agency for International Development's input, the views of the Department of State in the person of Dan Mozena, Director, Office of Southern African Affairs, the views of our implementing partners, and those of the invited Angolan participants. As the USAID Deputy Assistant Administrator for Democracy and Governance and the chair of the USG inter-agency Governing Justly and Democratically technical cone under the joint Department of State and USAID foreign assistance reform effort, I am particularly pleased to be able to address you today. My task is to share USAID's view of Angola's emergent electoral system and proto-democratic political situation and to describe USAID's central activities in support of the USG's efforts to improve the inclusiveness and credibility of Angola's anticipated elections, thereby building the confidence of the Angolan electorate and political parties in the new system.
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ANGOLA COUNTRY BACKGROUND
The current political situation in Angola is heavily influenced by its recent history of protracted civil war and by the realities of enduring poverty in the midst of immense mineral and agricultural wealth. The personal histories of most Angolans are dominated by memories of war-associated insecurities and deprivations. An important part of this collective memory is having had expectations of peace dashed when the 1992 elections triggered a return to violence. Angolans, political leaders and average citizens alike, therefore regard the anticipated national elections with some degree of trepidation.
Decades of civil war have also left Angola in the position of being a relative latecomer to democratic electoral processes. With the exception of the 1992 elections, Angolan citizens and officials have had no experience of democracy and elections. The long civil war, coupled with Angola's 500 years of colonial subjugation—which included the long rule of a Portuguese dictatorship in the years prior to independence—interfered with the development of a democratic culture.
As a result of a clear cut military victory, Angolan decision making is dominated by a small political, economic and military elite associated with a single political party. At the same time, despite a clear cut victory, the terms of the peace agreement provided for a unity government. Opposition parties exist and, in fact, the major opposition party is a part of the Government, holding ministerial positions in the cabinet and three of the country's eighteen governorships. Despite their role in the Government, it is fair to say that opposition parties have little ability to ''check and balance'' ruling party dominance.
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The destruction wrought by Angola's war, both in terms of infrastructure and human capacity, add to the challenge of building a democracy and conducting free and fair elections. The state of transportation infrastructure remains poor, local capacity on the part of government and civil society to ensure open elections is weak and disparities in resources among political groups hamper political competition. Constraints on access to information remain, as there is no significant independent media outside the capitol.
GOVERNMENT ELECTION PREPARATIONS
Angolan government officials, political party representatives, and civil society advocates have debated the need for and timing of national elections since the signing of the 2002 peace agreement. The international diplomatic and donor community have exerted pressure in favor of elections, but pressure has also come internally in the form of demands from an initially weak, but strengthening, community of civil society organizations and from factions within the political parties, including the ruling party. Many Angolans see the elections as a path to global legitimacy and increased private sector investment.
Over the past eighteen months, the Angolan government has taken concrete steps in preparation for elections. A package of elections laws was promulgated in August of 2005. Initially based on Angola's electoral law for the 1992 elections, the new laws include important provisions for improving the credibility of the elections in the areas of observation, balance of appointments to electoral bodies, and expansion of voting rights. Civil society played a role in bringing about these latter provisions.
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The National Electoral Commission (NEC) has been appointed and charged with monitoring the electoral process and ensuring its integrity. The NEC has 11 widely respected members, is chaired by a Supreme Court Justice and includes representatives from the ruling party, opposition parties, and the Government. Sub-units of the NEC have been set up in every province and most municipalities.
The Inter-ministerial Commission of Electoral Processes (CIPE, its acronym based on the Portuguese name) has also been constituted, is charged with administering elections, and will be overseen by the Ministry of Territorial Administration. CIPE has launched training for voter registration and contracted a consortium of companies to provide IT support for the elections. Although no official date has been set by the government, it is widely believed that voter registration may begin as early as September 2006 and will require approximately six months to implement.
While these tangible steps towards elections are welcomed, there remain weaknesses in the Angolan electoral system. The new electoral laws did not create a truly independent election administration body and the provision for public funding of political parties will require the establishment of a transparent implementation mechanism to prevent its use as a patronage tool. Further, the fundamental decision as to which elections to hold (presidential, legislative) has not yet been determined, nor has a date for elections been fixed. Given the projected minimum timeline for voter registration, national elections may be held sometime in calendar year 2007.
U.S. FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES AND USAID ASSISTANCE
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U.S. foreign policy priorities in Angola are to strengthen democracy and governance, support economic growth and development, improve health, and promote regional security. Until recently, USAID programs focused on the delivery of food aid and other humanitarian assistance. Under a new program currently coming on stream, USAID focus has shifted to give high priority to strengthening democracy and governance. In addition to helping to prepare for free and fair elections, this includes helping the Government develop the systems and human capacity essential to locking the country onto a path of broad-based growth, supporting Government decentralization efforts, and strengthening the quality of dialogue between Government and civil society. USAID also supports smaller activities in promoting a vibrant independent press and helping modernize the judiciary.
USAID ELECTIONS ASSISTANCE
USAID activities are designed to support inclusive and credible elections. As mentioned earlier, in the minds of many Angolans, there is still a strong connection between elections and war. The last elections, held in 1992, were never completed as UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi rejected the results and re-initiated armed conflict. In this context, the degree to which civil society and political parties are included in all steps of the electoral process adds credibility to the process and builds confidence among Angolans that peaceful, credible elections can be held. USAID seeks to build the capacities of Angolan civil society organizations and political parties to (1) insure access to accurate information on electoral issues, (2) increase citizen participation in electoral processes, (3) build capacities for independent election monitoring, (4) promote the management and mitigation of election-related conflict, and (5) support the development of issue-driven, internally-democratic political parties.
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USAID has delivered a significant portion of its Angola electoral support activities through the Consortium for Elections and Political Process Strengthening (CEPPS), a Cooperative Agreement between USAID's Office of Democracy and Governance and the CEPPS partners (International Republican Institute [IRI], National Democratic Institute [NDI] and IFES). IRI's work has focused on political parties, NDI's on civil society, including a sub-grant to Search for Common Ground to work on election-related conflict mitigation, and IFES has focused on election administration.
Activities to insure access to accurate information on electoral issues revolve around voter education conducted by civil society organizations. USAID partners have provided technical and project management training, as well as voter education materials, to six civil society electoral networks in the provinces of Luanda, Benguela, Huambo, Bié, Uíge, and Lunda-Sul. These electoral networks have conducted voter education on voter registration, democratic principles, citizen rights, and promoting political dialogue in each of their respective provinces. In addition, USAID supports multi-party workshops to inform parties on election topics and public multi-party forums that provide citizens an opportunity to engage directly with political parties.
Increased citizen participation is promoted through several activities. USAID partners provided technical assistance to civil society networks that advocated for reform of the electoral laws. These networks worked with the ruling MPLA and opposition parties throughout the legislative process and succeeded in having up to 80% of their recommendations included in the law on electoral observation. These advocacy efforts generated significant public debate in radio and television media. On the political party side, USAID has supported training on registering voters in ten provinces to most parties who hold seats in the national assembly and other parties with a nationwide base. The parties have used this assistance as the foundation for their voter registration initiatives.
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The experience civil society networks have gained through civic education and advocacy lays a foundation for effective elections observation. USAID partners will provide additional technical assistance to civil society organizations and political parties that desire to monitor the various steps of the electoral process.
Management and mitigation of election-related conflict are critical elements of USAID programs. Activities particularly target provinces that experienced fierce fighting during the war. USAID has supported multi-party meetings with local communities. In many cases these have been the first time MPLA and UNITA have sat together for a debate in these communities. USAID partners are encouraging the establishment of municipal level electoral stakeholder meetings with governors, political parties, and other local leaders to manage election conflict as it arises. Training will be provided to political parties on developing a code of conduct and dispute resolution techniques.
Several of the activities cited above serve to strengthen democratic political parties. More specific activities include support for polling to enable political parties to develop party platforms informed by public opinion. Political party training and technical assistance is also provided on topics such as strategic communication, developing party platforms, and province-level party organization.
USG assistance on election administration has been limited, given the Government of the Republic of Angola's (GRA) substantial ability to directly fund electoral processes and the fact that the GRA is still in the process of determining what external support it might want to request from the donors. Discussions are on-going between USG representatives, the National Elections Council (NEC) and interested bilateral and multilateral donors regarding election administration assistance.
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MOVING FORWARD—TO THE ELECTION DAY AND BEYOND
USAID intends to maintain robust support for the Angolan electoral process through election day and will support inclusive political competition and promote good governance at all levels of Angolan government through the foreseeable future. We will continue to support credible, inclusive elections that will lead to the inauguration of an administration with the mandate and will to accelerate the pace of reforms in support of broad-based growth and democratization. USAID stands ready to support the elected government in strengthening decentralization, improving delivery of decentralized public services, increasing budgetary transparency, and strengthening the quality of dialogue between the GRA and its citizens.
Mr. SMITH. Thank you, Dr. Bonicelli.
Let me begin with you, Mr. Mozena.
First, the postponement of the date for the elections, sometime in 2007, and if my memory is right, it was back in 2004 that the 2006 number was picked, and there has been slippage, obviously, but is that the beginning of 2007? Is there going to be a date certain in your view?
Dr. Bonicelli, you might want to speak to this, as well.
Do you construe the delay to be legitimate?
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Are there reasons on the ground why the delay is warranted?
Secondly, on the NEC, argument is made in testimony from Mr. Sakala, from the president of UNITA parliamentary group, that the NEC is—he points out or suggests that 8 out of the 11-member body are from government-linked institutions. We know, having been in Congress for 26 years and worked elections myself for years, that if you have an election board that is truly transparent and independent, you are more likely to have a good outcome.
If not, when they get cases that have to be adjudicated, you could almost write the outcome before it happens, and I am wondering what your take is on the independence, or lack of it, of the NEC, given that composition, or are they made up of people of sufficiently independent caliber that you think they will deal with this election process openly and fairly?
You mentioned land mines, and we all know that Angola has a serious land mine problem.
How much of an impediment to elections do you suggest that is?
Are you fearful of that, as people make their way to election sites, that, you know, death or maiming might occur, and what is the response to try to mitigate that danger to those who will want to cast their ballots?
I would also ask you—again, Mr. Sakala points out that $200 million has been appropriated for elections in the 2005 and 2006 budgets. What was done with that money? Is that in escrow? Is it being used, drawn down from?
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That is their money, obviously, not ours. How much are we spending on the election in terms of technical advise and support—Dr. Bonicelli might want to touch on that.
Finally, let me ask you with regards to the Angolan army, which is perhaps one of the most battle-test armies out there, in the region.
What is their role in the region? Are they being tapped for AU peacekeeping, for example, in a way that you think is consistent with their capabilities? We know that when Darfur and the word went out for troops to be deployed to Darfur, that there was a very concern whether or not, you know, the 7,700—and certainly more are needed, and we know more will be provided, probably under the blue helmet, but there was this lack of capacity.
Does Angola have troops that might be meaningfully engaged, particularly in African peacekeeping?
Mr. MOZENA. That is quite a series of questions, Mr. Congressman.
I think I have got them.
The first question related to the timing of the election, and has there been a date certain? I am not aware of any date certain.
I am aware of the President of the country saying that they must be held no later than 2007, and I would not try to read more into that. I would have to take that at face value.
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Mr. SMITH. That is not December 31, 2007.
Mr. MOZENA. It may well be. I do not know.
There are serious impediments to conducting elections in Angola, and I do not mean to apologize for anyone. I mean to just share the realities on the ground.
The fighting in Angola ended, as you rightly pointed out, Mr. Chairman, in February 2002, or shortly thereafter, when Mr. Savimbi was killed. Subsequent to that, more than 4 million internally displaced people and refugees from around the region came back into Angola and had to be resettled. Identification for these people is a major problem
You mentioned land mines, and we will come to that later, but that, in fact, is another obstacle for the election process.
In addition, there is a widespread fear among Angolans, and I can tell you, because I heard this myself from Angolans when I was there in March, they are afraid of the election process, because the only experience they have ever had with elections was in 1992, when elections, in fact, led to 10 years of horrible civil war. So, that needs to be overcome.
There is a very serious problem with the human capacity of the Government of Angola to actually conduct these elections. Only 7 percent of the civil service has any kind of education beyond secondary; 29 to 30 percent of the civil service has no education at all, or only a primary-level education. So, it does create serious impediments.
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You raised a question about the National Election Commission. It consists of 11 people. It is chaired by a justice from the Supreme Court.
It has representatives from three parties—three from MPLA, two from UNITA, and one from another—and various other representatives, for a total of 11. Our own reading of the body, as shared to me by our Embassy, is that it is a respected body, and I would expect—we, the United States Government, would expect it to act impartially in conducting these elections.
You raised a question about the land mines and to what extent it is an impediment. Land mines are a serious problem in Angola.
As an American taxpayer, I am very proud of what my taxes have helped accomplish in Angola, along with other donors, in addressing this serious problem. All of the high-impact areas are fairly well addressed.
By the year 2011, one hopes the country will be what one can call mine-risk-free. I mean there will be many millions of land mines still left but in areas where they will not impact people's lives.
To focus on your specific question, land mines are a very real problem.
I think the elections can, in fact, go ahead within a reasonable time period, even though that issue has not been fully addressed.
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When I was in Bie Province, the governor of Bie told me that there are parts of his province he cannot get to overland because of mines. Okay. But there are also helicopters and other means to get around. So, I do not think it is necessarily a killer.
Your last question related to the Angolan military. You rightly noted that they are battle-tested. They are, in fact, quite battle-tested.
They offer great potential to assist in maintaining regional stability.
They have been very helpful in DRC, in training battalions of Congolese soldiers there.
We are working closely with the Angolan Government, and I am pleased to report that I expect very shortly we will have consummated a deal to undertake our ACOTA program. That's a peacekeeping operations training program.
We are very excited about that prospect, because once we can train Angolans on how to be effective peacekeepers, we think they will be very helpful, not only in DRC. You mentioned the need in Darfur. I suspect those needs are not going to go away right away. I think they will be helpful there.
I hope I touched on all of——
Mr. SMITH. Yes.
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Dr. Bonicelli, if you could touch on some of those, and add to that, both Greg Simpkins and I visited Ethiopia soon after the elections, in August of last year, and met with the president and many other people, but met with their election commission leader, as well, and others on the commission, and obviously, that was a flawed election in Ethiopia, but when word went out to adjudicate contested elections, the outcome, you could have predicted, and we did, all came down in a certain direction. If you do not have a totally independent, transparent commission, and the rules and procedures that are established to conduct such, there will be contested elections. It is a given.
So, what is in place, and perhaps you could speak to some of the particulars, because I am concerned that we may have ''deja vu all over again,'' despite best intentions, unless we get the process right. That means good bureaucracy, as well, not just the 11 that sit, but also the investigators, those who look over the data or the allegations of fraud and the like. That, to me, is one of the most crucial aspects of this whole deal, and that also gives a sense of predictability, I would suggest, on the part of those who are casting their votes, that it is all real, that there is a contest.
Mr. BONICELLI. I was remiss in not thanking Wendy Marshall and Ed Connarley, who are with me from USAID, who have been of the utmost help with me.
I agree with Mr. Mozena on the points he made and would add a couple of things.
One is what we understand is a hyper sense of perfectionism.
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The Angolan Government wants to demonstrate that it can do this, that it is sufficient as a sovereign entity to hold elections and to have a good report on them, equal to or better than in '92, when the UN essentially blessed them as mostly fair and free, and I think that does play into it. There are other questions, though, about, for example, the National Elections Commission. Its job is to adjudicate complaints, and so, it is supposed to be the—sort of the watch dog and the monitor, the judge, while the Inter-Ministerial runs them.
The question we have, though, that is open, is when will the elections commission start operating, start asking for money from its government, put into operation all that it can?
I agree with Mr. Mozena about the view of that commission. Whether or not members are appointed with government relationships, they are widely respected, and so, the question is will they, even now, begin to play the role that they should play, which is that of watch dog and that of guarantor on the side.
You asked about spending, and I want to get to that. I would just say one thing about the military, not about their role in the AU or anything like that, but there is a question about the security forces and what role they play in elections, and that needs to be settled and determined, and those who are assisting in this need to know, are they there to facilitate or just to keep order? What is their role?
As far as spending, you asked that. To date, since 2001, USAID has obligated $7,786,000, and roughly that much has gone in assistance. We are anticipating in 2006, $1.8 million; in 2007, $1.5 million.
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Much of that is the work, as I mentioned earlier—the work before an election—it is not just election day and the process.
It is what has gone into getting civil society involved and getting—this is not a democratic country, they have not been one, and so, there is no—there is a big learning curve, and there is no history of understanding even within the parties, and that is something else we encourage with the work of our partners, that the parties themselves need to be democratic.
Mr. SMITH. Could you finally touch on the difference between the prospects for a good election and full participation by individuals in the capital versus in the outlying areas, and you did say, Dr. Bonicelli, that the capacity of local government in civil society to ensure open elections is weak. I mean you do not want to have two election, one that is relatively good in the capital, and then everywhere else it is far less.
Mr. BONICELLI. I think it requires a lot of attention and focus of the resources, because just like with media, things look worse in the rural areas, because it is just harder to have the communication, and there will be somewhat of that, I think, and that just needs to be the attention. That is, again, something else that the National Election Commission can focus on and begin to now raise concerns about it and focus on it.
Mr. MOZENA. My understanding is that the National Election Commission has, in fact, organized itself at the provincial level, and most of the municipal levels. So, they are making progress.
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Mr. SMITH. Are clergymen being brought into this, as well?
You know, it is thought that a freer and more democratic Angola obviously leads to a potentially higher standard of living. There is no panacea, obviously, in any of this, but as we all know, it is the best of all means of providing for economic growth and freedom.
Are they being brought into this so that they will encourage parishioners and others to participate, to know how to be a good citizen?
Mr. MOZENA. I think the Catholic church, for example—over two-thirds of the population of Angola is Roman Catholic—has been involved.
For example, one of the major media—a radio network called Radio Ecclesia—has played an important role in disseminating information.
Mr. SMITH. Does our USAID program work with them as a direct program, or is it just left to chance?
Mr. BONICELLI. We do support Radio Ecclesia, and we have been for years.
They are part of the media program that comes out of USAID Democracy and Governance.
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Mr. SMITH. Okay.
For the record, could you provide any other instances to us on how the church, of all types, including the Catholic church, might be interfacing with our money or being beneficiaries of it?
Ms. Lee.
Ms. LEE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. You did leave a few questions for me to ask, but I have got to come at it a different way, okay?
First of all, let me just say the Voting Rights Act is being debated today in the Senate. Hopefully, it will pass. The Voting Rights Act passed 1 year after I graduated from high school.
Prior to that, for the most part, we remember very clearly the obstacles to voting and full participation by African-Americans in this country, and so, I, for one, am deeply committed to see democracy and the participation of people throughout the world in this whole electoral process, because one vote, one person, one person, one vote, exercising that basic right, I think, that all people should have is fundamental to any democracy.
Now, having said that, let me just say, Angola—what was it, 500 years of colonial rule, 27 years of civil war? My gosh.
It is amazing that it has gotten this far, and you know, it is amazing, and like I say, the history of Angola—I vividly remember many of the milestones in that history, and so, I guess what I want to ask you is—you lay out some of these impediments to voting.
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Now, I want to find out, are these real in your mind? I mean you said that the land mine issue could be overcome by helicopters and what have you, but I know people are very fearful, though, in many parts of the country, of voting because of prior history, and what have you, of violence, and so, are these impediments 50 percent of the problem, or do you see the government engaging in stalling actions as it relates to elections?
I mean what is your take on that?
Mr. MOZENA. I think the impediments are real. I think they can be overcome.
They are being overcome, to be more precise, and I would urge the Government of Angola, as I said in my oral statement, to move ahead very expeditiously with these elections.
It never will be perfect.
I mean I don't think anyone would argue we wait till 2011, when we are in a mine-risk-free era. I mean that is 5 years from now.
Ms. LEE. Sure.
Mr. MOZENA. I think progress is being made.
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I think these elections can move ahead. They can happen.
Ms. LEE. I know we will hear from Angolan representatives later, but do you think that they are moving expeditiously or not?
Mr. MOZENA. I think they are moving ahead.
I think they have set a very high standard for themselves, and Paul made reference to that, and maybe the standard is too high. They want them to be as good as the '92 elections that were conducted by the UN. They want them to be better than——
Ms. LEE. Well, maybe if we had had those standards in 2000 and 2004, we would have had freer and fairer elections in America, if our standards had been a little more, you know, streamlined.
Mr. MOZENA. I take your point.
Ms. LEE. Okay.
I am just saying, you know, how much of this is real or how much is part of any kind of undercurrents that you see taking place that—such as maybe in Uganda, when they tried to, you know—and the elections, changing the constitution so he could, you know, do another term, how, you know, Zimbabwe—I mean when you look at other countries and then put Angola in the scheme of things, what do you think?
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Mr. MOZENA. It is a difficult one to answer, because obviously one cannot read what President dos Santos is thinking in his mind, but my own thought would be—I would come at the question from a little bit different perspective.
What would be the incentive for stalling on these elections?
The opposition is divided; there are over 100 political parties.
I had a 2 1/2-hour meeting in March with the president of UNITA, the largest opposition party, and out of that, I drew the conclusion that the delay in these elections wasn't necessarily bad from their perspective, because they needed time to generate resources, to strengthen their own party.
In fact, at the very moment I was talking with Mr. Samakuva, his party was dealing with a very serious internal problem.
So, I ask myself what is in this for President dos Santos?
Why would he want to delay and stall these elections forever, and I do not see anything in it.
Most people I spoke to—and this is not my personal opinion, but when I travel, I talk to a lot of people.
They told me that the MPLA would win more seats in parliament.
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Ms. LEE. So, then maybe the impediments, as the Angolans see it, are real, real enough. Maybe it is not a real—a stalling tactic, but maybe they do want to have the fairest and freest and most transparent election. I am just asking, and I do not want to see us get caught up into a real—you know, it is almost—we push so hard. I mean elections are part of—one part of democracy building, only one part, and so, as we push so hard on the electoral—in many parts of the world, we see elections take place, and parties elected that we do not quite necessarily want elected, and so, all I am saying is I think we need to see this and understand it a little more deeper, and as we move forward, help——
Mr. MOZENA. I think that is a very valid point.
I think it is a balance.
The conditions will never be perfect for elections in Angola, in America, or anyplace else, as far as that goes. So, if you take the argument to the extreme, you will never have elections, because the conditions will never be absolutely——
Ms. LEE. I am talking about the history, what has transpired during the dos Santos presidency, the progress that is being made, and where we are now. Are the impediments—is all I am saying—real, and should we try to help in a more, you know, aggressive way to overcome them, and then move forward?
Mr. MOZENA. I think the impediments are real. I am very proud of what we are doing to help them overcome those impediments, the land mines, the working with civil society that Paul was talking about, and strengthening the electoral process.
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I think we are doing a lot, but could we do more? I will let Paul speak to that, but I think we are doing the right thing.
That said, I think the exercise of the right to choose one's own government is a basic human right, as the Chairman made reference to the annual human rights report. So, it is a balance there.
Ms. LEE. I agree with that.
Okay.
Finally, on the whole HIV and AIDS strategy for Angola, is the global fund participating in the whole effort to prevent and address HIV and AIDS, or what do we have going there?
Mr. MOZENA. I cannot speak to the global fund. Maybe Paul can add to that, but I know that we in the U.S. Government are very much involved.
We have a program of just a little under $3 million, mainly focused on voluntary counseling and testing, working with many other donors.
You know, I do not pretend to be a rocket scientist when I suggest that it is cheaper to prevent HIV/AIDS than it is to cure it after it is full-fledged, like in Zambia, where I have buried way too many of my——
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Ms. LEE. The prevalence rate, at least reported, is, what, 3.5 percent in Angola?
Mr. MOZENA. 3.6.
Ms. LEE. Yes. A prevention strategy certainly makes sense.
Mr. MOZENA. Yes.
Ms. LEE. You have got to have comprehensive, though, because you have got to treat people, also, who are infected. You know, there has got to be that balance. The anti-retro viral drugs—are they there? Do they cost a lot of money?
Mr. MOZENA. Our focus has been on the VCT side, and I do not know where the ARU's are with other donors, but we are working very hard, especially in those areas along the borders with Namibia, which has a very high rate, as you know, trying to help prevent the pandemic from washing over the border.
It is going to be a very hard struggle, I will be honest, because the disadvantage of opening up these roads, by removing land mines—I am not telling you anything you do not know better than I do, but the trucks and the conveyors of the disease, in fact, are rolling.
Ms. LEE. Okay.
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The global fund——
Mr. BONICELLI. The incidence is low relative to other countries, but there are activities. 2007, there is a plan being worked that would be interagency from the U.S. Government's perspective, and there have been—has been a program—a prevention program with voluntary counseling and that kind of thing, some linked up with Drew University. Several corporations are involved, Exxon-Mobil.
Could I go back a little bit just about the notion of elections?
I agree with Dan.
I would maybe answer a little more wishy-washy, like a social scientist, which I used to be, and say—I am recovering—and say that there is nothing—there is no trip wire crossed yet by the Angolan Government from the perspective of United States foreign policy that looks like they are not serious, they do not want to have elections. There is every reason to believe it is in their interest, as Dan said, and that is why I think that there can be some hope, but there remains, as I mentioned, the need to get with it, have the National Election Commission really start to do the things that it can do to get itself funded to do those kinds of things.
You mentioned voter registration, and I just wanted to note another encouraging sign is that there is an effort to do that, and this is a country where it's, of course, very much unlike ours, where the technology and the things are not available that make it—people do not even have their documentation the way it is common for us to.
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Therefore, voter registration is not based on a civil registry.
People can vote, can register by testimonial, they can identify themselves that way.
So there are steps taken to take into account the fact that people cannot register normally, whether their location or what documentation they have.
One other thing about the timing of it, and that is the—some discussion is that it is in the interest of this president and the ruling party and that they are following the letter of the law all the way, and so that the announcement of voter registration beginning its 6-month window and then elections do not actually have to be called until 90 days before that day, and following the letter, there are all kinds of reasons to look for people's interests, what is to their advantage, and what makes the overall advantage for the people of Angola.
Ms. LEE. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. SMITH. Ranking Member Payne?
Mr. PAYNE. Thank you very much.
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I apologize for missing the testimony. I was attending the swearing-in of the new Ambassador to Brazil, from my district in New Jersey, Pat Sobol, and so, I apologize for missing it. So, I will just be very brief.
I imagine you did go over the prospects of the election. I just might ask for a quick answer.
Do you see the elections being pulled off in the near future and what type of success would you find if they were held?
Mr. BONICELLI. As I was saying, I think all the signs are that they will be held according to the requirement, according to what the president has said.
That is no guarantee, but right now, I just do not see anything that is an obvious reason why that is not going to happen, either by lack of political will or some obstacle that cannot be overcome.
Dan is exactly right.
The obstacles are real, but they can be dealt with, and partners are standing ready to help.
Mr. PAYNE. Is the UNITA party as strong as it once was, and are the other opposition—are there any other opposition parties that have any strength?
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Mr. MOZENA. I mentioned before you came in that I had an opportunity when I was in Angola in March to meet with the president of UNITA, Mr. Samakuva, and he was sharing with me some of the challenges that his party is facing in terms of building its strength, and I know they are working very hard to bolster their party. You are very fortunate, because you have a representative of UNITA on the next panel that can go in much greater depth in responding to that question.
There are other opposition parties that have representation in parliament, but—and I do not mean to disparage them, but you really have two elephants here that are involved, and they would be UNITA and the MPLA.
Mr. PAYNE. I recall, in the last election, it was a close election, but MPLA won, and was disappointed that UNITA decided not to participate in the government. Is there—I mean is it, if I win, I will participate, but if I lose, I will not—maybe I need to ask the UNITA representative when they come up.
Is there an MPLA representative in the panel? Do you know?
I have not looked at the agenda.
Mr. SMITH. We are going to have the Ambassador, and we invited the head of the NEC to testify on the panel, too, but he could not make it.
Mr. MOZENA. I think the situation, if I could share a view on that question, I think the situation in Angola is very different today than it what it was in 1992, and I would not envision that the loser would take to the bush and resume a civil war.
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I think the people of Angola have bled enough, and I think they are ready and eager to move forward toward a peaceful way of resolving their differences.
Mr. BONICELLI. And we do, Mr. Payne, have a few years of UNITA serving in this government at all levels. So, it is in their interest to continue that.
Mr. PAYNE. Finally, is the Kimberly process moving in Angola?
Mr. MOZENA. Yes. They are participants in the Kimberly process.
Angola, as the Chairman pointed out in his remarks, is a major diamond producer.
Mr. PAYNE. Yes, I know that.
We know that diamonds, unfortunately, was, in a number of countries, used for the wrong reasons to fuel the conflict.
I will not hold the panel up anymore. I am browsing through the material right now, and look forward to the other witnesses' testimony.
Mr. SMITH. Thank you, Mr. Payne.
Let me just thank our distinguished witnesses. If you have anything else you would like to add—thank you so much.
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Mr. PAYNE. In Liberia, you know, there has been an agreement that the government—of course, Liberia is receiving substantial United States assistance, but the government and the donor parties have made an agreement that there will be close working relations working on the expenditures of the funds to ensure transparency and to prevent corruption, and I wonder, has there been any discussions with the Government of Angola?
Is there anything similar to that in Angola, to your knowledge?
Mr. BONICELLI. In testimony to their commitment to that is their desire to be a part of the Extracted Industries Transparency Initiative, which Dan mentioned earlier, and I think it is real.
Of course, there are a lot of steps that have to be made.
Mr. MOZENA. There have been other steps, as well, which I must say are encouraging.
For example, they have put on the Web charts that show the flow of their oil revenue, so the public can watch it. Anyone can go out and watch it on the Web site.
Mr. PAYNE. Even in the Chad-Cameroon pipeline, the World Bank installed some measures that would, you know, sign off that funds would be going to health care and to poverty elimination and education.
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So, I would hope that we could possibly move into some real formal kind of an agreement if we are able to get U.S. assistance and other World Bank and other donor countries.
Mr. BONICELLI. USAID's programs in good governance, once we are beyond elections, are—that is very much a part of it, is to encourage those—joining those initiatives and having their own, as well.
Mr. MOZENA. We are already working with the Government of Angola with a fiscal programming unit, the purpose of which is to create the mechanism so you can watch—just what you are saying, Congressman—watch and account for the resources.
Mr. PAYNE. Thank you very much.
Mr. SMITH. Thank you, gentlemen.
I would like, without objection, to include in the record, ''Angola: A Chronology of Major Political Developments from February 1961 to September 1996,'' that was written by Greg Simpkins, who is our staff specialist on the Majority side for the Subcommittee, and I would just note it is a very good time-line of those years.
One of the things that I have always been very grateful for is that this Subcommittee and the Full Committee attracts some very, very high-caliber people who serve in staff positions.
Greg Simpkins was the associate director for the Angola Peace Fund, and that goes back to 1987, and he also served as senior associate at the Institute for Democratic Strategies, and also co-chaired the Democracy and Human Rights Advocacy Group for the Constituency for Africa.
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So, without objection, this booklet will be made a part of the record.
[The information referred to follows:]
[Note: Image(s) not available in this format. See PDF version of this file.]
Mr. SMITH. I would like to now introduce our second panel, beginning with Angola's Ambassador to the United States, Her Excellency Josefina Diakite, who has formally presented her credentials to President Bush on June 20, 2001.
Prior to that, she served as Ambassador to Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and Finland, a joint ambassadorship, and she resided in Stockholm, Sweden, from 1993 to 2000, and we are very grateful that the Ambassador has come. We had invited the chairman of the National Election Commission, Dr. Caetano De Sousa, to be here. He could not. I understand he may be ill or is ill.
So, thank you for—it is more than pinch hitting, though. We are very, very grateful to have you here.
We will then hear from Alcides Sakala, who is—joined UNITA and quickly rose through its ranks until he joined its overseas diplomatic mission in 1980. At different times in his career, Mr. Sakala served in Washington, West Germany, Portugal, Belgium, and the European Community.
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In 1995, Mr. Sakala was appointed secretary for foreign affairs of UNITA, until 2002, when he moved into the bush to stay with Dr. Savimbi.
Currently, Mr. Sakala is a member of parliament and the president of the UNITA parliament group in the National Assembly.
Finally, we will hear from Mr. Richard Soudriette, who has served as president of the International Foundation for Election Systems since 1988.
Under Mr. Soudriette's leadership, IFES has grown into one of the premier organizations offering technical assistance in the areas of elections, civil society, rule of law, and governance.
He has played a key role in launching networks of elections officials in Latin America, central and eastern Europe, Africa, and Asia, and has overseen the tremendous growth of IFES, which has worked in over 100 countries around the world.
Thank you, as well, for being here.
Madam Ambassador, please proceed.
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE JOSEFINA PITRA DIAKITE, AMBASSADOR, THE EMBASSY OF THE REPUBLIC OF ANGOLA
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Ms. DIAKITE. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I was not supposed to be here. The president of National Electoral Commission was invited.
Unfortunately, although he had confirmed his participation, he was not feeling well, so he could not come. I am glad to be here, making my statement on behalf of the Government of Angola.
Mr. Chairman Smith, Congressman Donald Payne, Congresswoman Lee, Members of the Subcommittee, United States and Angolan officials present, good afternoon to all.
It is a pleasure to be here this afternoon, at the invitation of Chairman Smith, to discuss the electoral process in Angola.
The Government of Angola appreciates the interest expressed by the United States Congress and United States Administration in the post-war milestone in Angolan history. We are fully aware of the importance to the Angolan citizens, and those encouraging the strengthening of democratic processes in Africa, of the process of preparing for the elections, as well as the actual event that will take place on election day.
Angola held its first elections in 1992, during a period of relative clam in our decades-long civil war conflict. Regrettably, the country returned to war shortly thereafter, and it was not until peace was restored definitively in 2002 that we as a nation could even begin to contemplate the next general election.
As we began to put together a plan that would lead to national elections, we became painfully aware of a number of serious obstacles lying in our path. As we assessed these obstacles, President Jose Eduardo dos Santos was clear in his guidance that it was essential to prepare well, regardless of the time required, in order to ensure free, fair, and inclusive elections. He said that the people of Angola deserved that.
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There have been questions regarding the lengthy planning and the preparation timeline.
Let me state that the government succeeded in reintegration of 100,000 former UNITA soldiers and more than 300,000 families. Also, 360,000 of the 450,000 Angolan refugees have been repatriated.
Mr. Chairman, the destruction of many public records is one of the big challenges for us.
The war caused considerable destruction of communication infrastructures, including roads, bridges, railways, health care and education centers.
The hold of elections is closely linked to the circulation of people and goods under absolute security conditions.
With this aim, and in order to ensure the resettlement of the population, my government is rehabilitating 72,000 kilometers of roads and recovering 1,300 bridges from the previously existing 6,300.
The government started rehabilitating the entire national railway network.
This will greatly improve access to significant parts of the country.
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The issue of land mines has been the government's top priority in the post-conflict era, since they hinder the movement of people across the country. As proof of its commitment, an executive commission for de-mining was established, and organizations such as CNIDAH have assisted in the process.
An important electoral legislation package was passed by the Angolan National Assembly, which includes the electoral law, the law on political parties, the political parties funding law, the electoral registration law, and the law of electoral observer.
The issues I have just outlined illustrate my government's belief that the mistakes made in 1992 elections must not be repeated and lessons must be learned.
The lessons learned have led us to implement technical visits to and from electoral officials in other countries, due to limited experience of election officials throughout the country; training programs are under implementation. Hundreds of electoral officials required by province and town are being trained.
The Angolan Government has learned of the negative associations of elections with the tragic return to war in 1992.
Government is aware of this concern, and that is why it is currently monitoring election awareness and civic education programs, as well as providing accurate information with the assistance of local traditional and religious authorities and other social partners.
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Another important point that has often been overlooked is the lack of party representation in many parts of the country. So, political parties have been advised to establish presence in various parts of the country.
Mr. Chairman, while elections play a crucial role in the country's democratic process, good planning for ballot security and accountability is essential so that possible disputes and misunderstandings can be avoided.
Let me affirm that Angola has made great progress, politically, economically, and socially, since the Luena Accords since in 2002 returned the country to the road map begun at Bicesse in 1991 and refined by the Lusaka Protocol in 1994.
I have referred specifically to elections-related areas of progress, but there is much more. The growth of the economy and the reconstruction efforts are success stories in their own right.
However, we recognize that we still have much to accomplish before Angolan citizens go to the polls. The registration process is scheduled to begin shortly, and will take approximately 6 months to complete. The purchase of electronic balloting equipment is on track, and the training for its utilization has already begun.
I must stress that progress achieved to date has been facilitated by several international organizations that have maintained a presence in the country and have worked closely with political parties. We do hope that assistance provided to these parties be extended to improve the Angolan Government's institutional capacity to respond adequately to the current challenge.
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Let me conclude by saying that the Government of Angola is committed to national elections. It considers elections as an important step in the strengthening of democracy but also recognize the wisdom in moving with deliberate and measured speed to the elections date that will ensure a complete confidence of the Angolan people in the final results, and reflect positively on their present and future government.
I would be happy to respond to the questions that you may have, and I thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of Hon. Josefina Pitra Diakite follows:]
[Note: Image(s) not available in this format. See PDF version of this file.]
Mr. SMITH. Madam Ambassador, thank you very much for your testimony.
We will go now to Mr. Sakala.
STATEMENT OF MR. ALCIDES SAKALA SIMOES, PRESIDENT, PARLIAMENTARY GROUP OF UNITA, NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, LUANDA, ANGOLA
Mr. SIMOES. Yes, Mr. Chairman. I will read slowly.
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Mr. SMITH. Let me make clear, no one is under a time restraint, so take your time.
Mr. SIMOES. Thank you.
On behalf of UNITA leadership, I want to commend the Chairman for holding this timely hearing on Angola, and thank the Committee for inviting me to be a part of this.
Mr. Chairman, as you remember well, in April 2002, we signed an agreement with the government known as the Luena memorandum of understanding.
It was a social contract whereby UNITA agreed to demobilize in exchange for a full democratic process. Among other things, this social contract entails addressing the fate of thousands of demobilized soldiers and veterans of all wars; de-politicizing the country's public services, including the national police and armed forces; abolishing all state security organs reminiscent of the one-party rule era; and consolidating work toward reconciliation, promoting equal opportunities and economic development, and protecting citizenship rights, including the right to elect the government.
Mr. Chairman, 4 years after the signing of this memorandum, we have witnessed, indeed, positive developments we must be proud of, as well as shortcomings we must rightly be concerned about.
In June 2003, 1 year after the death of Jonas Savimbi, the incumbent, UNITA held the most transparent and democratic congress ever held in Angola, which elected the current leadership that I am representing here today.
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Since then, UNITA strove to improve democracy within its own ranks, and worked to be a real player in democracy. It is our strong belief that a non-democratic party cannot promote democracy in society.
On the bright side, we have maintained peace in the country.
That is a reality today.
There are encouraging signs about the potential disciplined resolution of the conflict in Cabinda, as well as increasingly debating today the need to strengthen democracy and economic reform.
There is a growing civil society and important internal movement of goods and people which have increased dramatically.
Despite all these positive developments, we still face the following challenges.
The majority of veterans are left to their own fate, without benefits or pension.
Democracy is still moving at two speeds one for Luanda, the capital, and another for the provinces, away from international scrutiny, where citizens are still subject to political discrimination and intolerance, limitation of their rights and repression.
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The economic boom resulting from the oil windfall remains an exclusive affair of a few. It has not produced, indeed, improvements in living conditions of the average citizen or equal access to credit. The job market remains weak and consumer prices too high, increasing the pain of the majority of citizens.
Finally, the government is wavering in its commitment to hold free and fair elections.
Mr. Chairman, this uncertainty about the political future of the country is really the dark side of the peace process and holding back potential investors.
Regarding the electoral process, in 2004, the Council of the Republic, a national consulting body, under the leadership of the Federal Republic, recommended that elections be held in 2006.
Soon after, President dos Santos visited Washington and promised during a White House meeting in 2004 that he would call for elections no later than 2006. The president of the National Elections Commission and the Speaker of the National Assembly have both indicated in 2005 that Angola was capable of holding elections in 2006.
Indeed, the National Assembly has appropriate over 200 million U.S. dollars for elections in the 2005 and 2006 budgets.
We are now in July 2006, and we still have no date for elections.
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Mr. Chairman, a broad segment of Angolans believe that there is a violation of the—a breach of the social contract which calls into question the legitimacy of the current governing institutions.
This breach, Mr. Chairman, is best demonstrating by quoting President dos Santos, who on November 11, 2005, stated that ''democracy has been imposed upon us by the West.''
He went on to say that ''democracy does not fill our stomachs.''
Following these statements, we have witnessed a substantial slow-down of the institutional efforts to organize elections.
Meanwhile, the government managed to secure absolute control of the National Election Commission through disproportional representation. Eight out of an 11-member body are from the government-linked institutions, and only three from the opposition party.
In addition, it is a matter of public record that the Sino-Angolan relations have increased considerably. In fact, we welcome efforts to improve the country infrastructure, but we are extremely concerned with the temptation to view China as a model of political and economic development.
Several projects are financed with oil-backed loans from China.
This practice is likely to fuel corruption and undermine fair competition.
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Where do you go from here, Mr. Chairman?
Angolans must not be given a choice between political freedom and economic development.
They deserve both.
Four years after the war ended, it is time to bring this uncertainty to an end.
We call on the international community and the United States, in particular, to join the majority of Angolans in urging the government to set a definite date for elections in 2007; double efforts in civil society for capacity-building; assist the private press in broadening its reach throughout the country; assist the National Elections Commission with the resources and expertise in order to discharge its duties in an even-handed manner.
We believe, Mr. Chairman, in UNITA, that elections are an important instrument to renew the trust between the government and the people, and a process which the country's suppressed energy can be released to realize individual and collective dreams. We need to begin a new era in the history of Angola after years of war.
We have got a clear mandate from the people in order to normalize the institutions of the country within a process of regular democratic general elections. We need transparent economic development that resists corruption, holds accountability, and encourages domestic and international investment.
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A democratic Angola is more likely, in our view, to promote regional democracy and secure a safe political environment conducive to a continued development of energy and other resources.
It is therefore in the interest of Angola, in the interest of the region and the United States that democracy prevails in our country.
We have come a long way from Africa to reaffirm UNITA's gratitude for all the United States assistance already provided to Angola in the field of public health and democracy building. Lasting stability implies positive attitudes, but it rests on the ability of all players to promote freedom and to share the peace dividend.
I urge you, once again, Mr. Chairman, to assist Angola in achieving these noble goals, starting with holding elections in 2007.
Mr. Chairman, I wish to submit the full text of my testimony for the record.
Thank you for the time.
[The prepared statement of Alcides Sakala Simoes follows:]
PREPARED STATEMENT OF MR. ALCIDES SAKALA SIMOES, PRESIDENT, PARLIAMENTARY GROUP OF UNITA, NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, LUANDA, ANGOLA
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Mr. Chairman, distinguished members of the Committee, I want to thank the Chair for inviting my colleagues and I to be part of this important hearing.