SPEAKERS       CONTENTS       INSERTS    
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43–523 CC
1997
H. CON. RES. 88, H. CON. RES. 81, H.R. 2035, H. CON. RES. 99, H. RES. 175, H. CON. RES. 105, AND H.R. 1432

MARKUP

BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED FIFTH CONGRESS

FIRST SESSION

WEDNESDAY, JUNE 25, 1997

Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations



COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York, Chairman
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WILLIAM GOODLING, Pennsylvania
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa
HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois
DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska
CHRISTOPHER SMITH, New Jersey
DAN BURTON, Indiana
ELTON GALLEGLY, California
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida
CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina
DANA ROHRABACHER, California
DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California
PETER T. KING, New York
JAY KIM, California
STEVEN J. CHABOT, Ohio
MARSHALL ''MARK'' SANFORD, South Carolina
MATT SALMON, Arizona
AMO HOUGHTON, New York
TOM CAMPBELL, California
JON FOX, Pennsylvania
JOHN McHUGH, New York
LINDSEY GRAHAM, South Carolina
ROY BLUNT, Missouri
JERRY MORAN, Kansas
KEVIN BRADY, Texas
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LEE HAMILTON, Indiana
SAM GEJDENSON, Connecticut
TOM LANTOS, California
HOWARD BERMAN, California
GARY ACKERMAN, New York
ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American Samoa
MATTHEW G. MARTINEZ, California
DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
ROBERT ANDREWS, New Jersey
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
CYNTHIA A. McKINNEY, Georgia
ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
PAT DANNER, Missouri
EARL HILLIARD, Alabama
WALTER CAPPS, California
BRAD SHERMAN, California
ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
STEVE ROTHMAN, New Jersey
BOB CLEMENT, Tennessee
BILL LUTHER, Minnesota
JIM DAVIS, Florida
RICHARD J. GARON, Chief of Staff
MICHAEL H. VAN DUSEN, Democratic Chief of Staff
HILLEL WEINBERG, Senior Professional Staff Member and Counsel
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LESTER MUNSON, Professional Staff Member
JOHN HERZBERG, Professional Staff Member
ROGER NORIEGA, Professional Staff Member
WALKER ROBERTS, Senior Professional Staff Member
CAROLINE G. COOPER, Staff Associate

C O N T E N T S

APPENDIX

    H. Con. Res. 88, Regarding El Salvador
    Statemant of Representative Menendez regarding H. Con. Res. 88
    H. Con. Res. 81, regarding Cyprus
    Amendment to H. Con. Res. 81 offered by Mr. Gilman
    Statement of Representative Menendez regarding H. Con.. Res. 81
    H.R. 2035, regarding the transfer of naval vessels
    Statement by Representative Rohrabacher
    Amendment to H.R. 2035 offered by Mr. Rohrabacher
    H. Con. Res. 99, regarding Sierra Leone
    Statement and article submitted by the ambassador from Sierra Leone
    Statement of Representative Menendez regarding H. Con. Res. 99
    H. Res. 175, regarding Congo
    Statement of Representative Menendez regarding H. Res. 175
    H. Res. 105, regarding Albania
    Statement of Representative Traficant regarding H. Con. Res. 105
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    H.R. 1432, regarding trade and investment policy in sub-Saharan Africa
    Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H.R. 1432
    En Bloc Amendment to the Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H.R. 1432 offered by Chairman Gilman
    Amendment to H.R. 1432 offered by Mr. Smith
    Amendment to the Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute offered by Mr. Payne
    Statement of Representative Menendez regarding H.R. 1432
MARKUP OF H. CON. RES. 88, H. CON. RES. 81, H.R. 2035, H. CON. RES. 99, H. RES. 175, H. CON. RES. 105, AND H.R. 1432

WEDNESDAY, JUNE 25, 1997
House of Representatives,
Committee on International Relations,
Washington, DC.

    The Committee met, pursuant to notice, at 4:10 p.m. in room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Benjamin A. Gilman (chairman of the Committee) presiding.
    Chairman GILMAN. The Committee will come to order.
    The Committee on International Relations is meeting this afternoon in open session, pursuant to notice, to consider several measures. Those measures will be taken up in the following order: H. Con. Res. 88, congratulating the Government of the People of the Republic of El Salvador on successfully completing free and democratic elections on March 16, 1997; H. Con. Res. 81, calling for a U.S. initiative seeking a just and peaceful resolution of the situation on Cyprus; H.R. 2035, a bill to transfer naval vessels to certain foreign countries; H. Con. Res. 99, condemning the military coup d'etat of May 26, 1997, in Sierra Leone.
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    In addition, H. Res. 175, urging a restoration of peace in Congo, Brazzaville; H.R. 1432, the African Growth and Opportunity Act, and H. Con. Res. 105, expressing the sense of the Congress relating to the elections in Albania scheduled for June 29, 1997.
    On all of these measures, except the African Growth and Opportunity Act, it will be moved on the Suspension Calendar. We will take a vote and, I hope, report H.R. 1432 to the floor and have it considered under a Rule.
    I will withhold any statements on these bills and will want to give the distinguished Ranking Minority Member, Mr. Hamilton, the opportunity to make some comments at this time, if he so desires.
    Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Chairman, I really don't have any comments on the legislation. I will hold on that. But I do think we should recognize Janeen Mann. She is going to retire from the Department of State after 30 years of service. My recollection is, she came here when John Buchanan served on this Committee. That is a long time ago, as I recall.
    Chairman GILMAN. She started as a youngster.
    Mr. HAMILTON. That is exactly right. But I should say that she has been extremely helpful to me, and I think to you, Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Yes.
    Mr. HAMILTON. And to many others. And we appreciate her very professional service, over a period of many years, and we wish her the very best.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Hamilton.
    I would like to join and associate myself with the remarks with regard to Janeen. She certainly has been a great deal of help to all of us on this Committee during her service on the Committee and subsequently.
    And, Janeen, we are going to miss you. We wish you well in your retirement, and we hope you will be able to enjoy it in good health.
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    Ms. MANN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It has been a pleasure.
    Chairman GILMAN. Would you please rise a moment so we can all applaud?
    [Applause.]
    Chairman GILMAN. The first measure we will be taking up is H. Con. Res. 88, relating to the recent election in El Salvador. The Chair lays the measure before the Committee. I hope the Committee can move rapidly through these bills since we have a full agenda.
    The clerk will report the title of the resolution.
    Ms. RUSH. House Concurrent Resolution 88, concurrent resolution congratulating the Government and the people of the Republic of El Salvador on successfully completing free and democratic elections on March 16, 1997.
    Chairman GILMAN. The clerk will read the preamble and operative language of the resolution for amendment.
    Ms. RUSH. Whereas on March 16th, 1997——
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the preamble and operative text of the resolution will be considered as having been read and is open to amendment at any point.
    [The resolution appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. The Chair recognizes the distinguished gentleman from North Carolina, Mr. Ballenger, the sponsor of the resolution, to introduce his measure. Mr. Ballenger is recognized for 5 minutes.
    Mr. BALLENGER. Mr. Chairman, I thank you.
    As I stated in the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, which unanimously passed my resolution, H. Con. Res. 88 congratulates the Government and the people of the Republic of El Salvador on successfully completing free and democratic elections.
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    On March 16, 1997, El Salvador held free and fair elections again for 84 National Legislative Assembly seats, 262 mayoral and municipal council votes. This was yet another milestone in the normalization of the democratic process, and I commend El Salvador for its efforts.
    El Salvador has come a long way since the eighties, when this nation was in the midst of a terrible civil war, a war that cost the lives of tens of thousands of Salvadorans and left the country in shambles. Now the Salvadorans have replaced bullets with ballots. The stark contrast between war-torn El Salvador and the El Salvador today is a tribute to its people and its leaders.
    El Salvador has made huge strides toward implementing the 1992 peace accords, and we as Americans must continue to show support to our neighbors throughout the long and fragile process. I hope you will join me in congratulating El Salvador on a most remarkable accomplishment.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Hamilton.
    Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Chairman, I support the resolution. I speak really just to commend the gentleman from North Carolina. I think we should recognize his very special interest in Central America. If I recall, this is the third or so resolution that he has brought forward with regard to Central America. The others have been on Nicaragua and Guatemala. He should be commended for that leadership. I personally appreciate it.
    I strongly support the resolution, and it shows the remarkable transformation that has taken place in El Salvador. And I think the importance of the resolution simply is that it lets the Salvadorans know that we are following very carefully their transition to democracy. I urge adoption of the resolution.
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    Chairman GILMAN. I thank you, Mr. Hamilton.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Who is seeking recognition?
    Mr. Menendez.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, I, too, want to congratulate Mr. Ballenger for bringing the resolution to the Committee. I was happy to support it in the Subcommittee.
    ''El Salvador'' means ''the Savior'' in Spanish, and I believe it certainly is a representation of what we hope for Central America.
    I would ask unanimous consent that my statement be included in the record.
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Menendez appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. And I would like to join in Mr. Hamilton's remarks in commending the gentleman from North Carolina for his outstanding leadership with regard to progress for the Central American countries. He has essentially become an ambassador without portfolio for the wonderful work that he has been doing in those nations and his continual visits to the Central American governments.
    Are there any amendments to the resolution?
    If there are no amendments, the gentleman from Nebraska is recognized to offer a motion.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, I want to join you in the commendations of the gentleman from North Carolina. I move that the Chairman be requested to seek consideration of this measure on the Suspension Calendar.
    Chairman GILMAN. The question is on the motion from the gentleman from Nebraska. As many as in favor of the motion signify by saying aye.
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    As many as opposed, signify by saying no.
    The ayes appear to have it. The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to. Further proceedings on this measure are postponed.
    Chairman GILMAN. The next measure we will take up is H. Con. Res. 81, relating to the need for a resolution of the problem of Cyprus. The Chair lays the measure before the Committee. The clerk will report the title of the resolution.
    Ms. RUSH. House Concurrent Resolution 81. Concurrent resolution calling for a U.S. initiative seeking a just and peaceful resolution of the situation on Cyprus.
    Chairman GILMAN. The clerk will read the preamble and operative language of the resolution for amendment.
    Ms. RUSH. Whereas the Republic of Cyprus has been divided and occupied by foreign——
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the preamble and operative text of the resolution are considered as having been read and open to amendment at any point.
    [The resolution appears in the appendix.]

    Chairman GILMAN. The Chair recognizes myself to introduce the resolution and I yield myself as much time as I may consume.
    The Cyprus problem has been a matter of concern to our Congress now in excess of 22 years. It is a situation that cries out for a just redress and an end to the occupation in Cyprus by foreign troops.
    Although the world has dramatically changed for the better during this decade, Cyprus remains as a pressing international problem. Indeed, ''Cyprus'' has almost become a code word for intractability in the realm of diplomacy.
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    I have been encouraged, nevertheless, by recent statements from high-level officials in the Administration, including the President himself, that indicate that there may be a new willingness on the part of our government to exert its leadership in promoting a solution to the Cyprus problem.
    I strongly believe that our government should invest some of our prestige in such an effort, because Americans have always supported justice and because we have significant interests that can be affected by the instability in Cyprus. It is for these reasons that I introduced this resolution now being considered by the Committee.
    Over the past year, there have been a number of events and incidents that have increased tensions in Cyprus and in the eastern Mediterranean. There is a disturbing trend of increased militarization of the island, already one of the most highly militarized parts of the globe.
    There are, however, also positive developments that could act to catalyze a peaceful and a just solution. One of these is the pending negotiation on Cyprus' secession to the European Union that may begin by the end of the year. There have been increased diplomatic activities in Europe and in the United Nations to bring the two sides together.
    In short, the risks of inaction far outweigh those of taking the initiative on Cyprus now.
    The resolution I introduced last week points out the interests and developments regarding the Cyprus situation and urges the President to keep his pledge to give increased attention to Cyprus.
    I am pleased to be joined by a group of distinguished cosponsors, including our Ranking Minority Member, Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Bilirakis, Mr. Porter, Mr. Engel, and Mrs. Maloney and in excess of 40 other distinguished Members of the House that have shared an interest in Cyprus and concern over what may arise from a continued stalemate on the island.
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    It is our hope that this resolution will help stir the resolve of the Clinton Administration to indeed make 1997 the year of Cyprus. Accordingly, I urge our colleagues to support the resolution.
    I do have a technical amendment at the desk which I will ask the clerk to report.
    Ms. RUSH. Amendment offered by Mr. Gilman. In the fourth ''whereas'' clause, delete the phrase, ''to resolve the situation in Cyprus'', and insert commas after the words ''means'' and ''force''.
    Chairman GILMAN. This technical correction is intended to clarify this clause which is related specifically to measures to ensure the security of the people of Cyprus, and I ask unanimous consent that the technical amendment be adopted.
    Is there any objection to the unanimous consent request?
    Without objection, so ordered.
    [Amendment to H. Con. Res. 81 offered by Chairman Gilman appears in the appendix.]
    Are there any other amendments to the resolution? Are there any further comments?
    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Hamilton.
    Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Chairman, I just want to extend my appreciation to you for bringing this forward. Your leadership is very much appreciated by me and by many others on this. I think now is the time to try to move this peace process forward. We are encouraged by a number of developments that have occurred in the eastern Mediterranean, and this resolution puts a lot of emphasis on energetic U.S. leadership to resolve the problems there, and that is exactly what is needed. The key is U.S. leadership.
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    I also want to take just a moment to applaud the President's appointment of the U.S. Special Envoy for Cyprus, Mr. Holbrooke. I think that probably is the best signal yet that this is a priority year for a settlement in Cyprus and moving the Greek and Turkish relationship forward.
    So I strongly urge the adoption of the resolution. It is in the U.S. interest, as well, as for the people of the region, that we find a solution to this problem which, as you suggested, you and I have been looking at for a good many years.
    Thank you.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Hamilton. I thank you for your supporting arguments.
    Mr. Bereuter.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, this resolution certainly is offered with the best of intentions, and it is very timely, because, as you pointed out, this is an opportunity for the world to find a resolution of the problem on Cyprus.
    There are some words in this resolution that could be seen as pro-Greek Cypriot. I hope that will not be taken as being pro-Greek Cypriot as this Committee advances this legislation. It should be regarded as pro-peace, pro-reconciliation, an opportunity to finally find a resolution to problems on that island.
    I mention specifically the calls for withdrawal of all foreign military forces as a precondition for a peace settlement. I think that is not realistic. The Turkish Cypriots will note the very serious abuses that were perpetrated there in the early sixties and the early seventies. Indeed, they believe, for example, that the security of the Turkish Cypriot community could not be assured in that period of time.
    If the withdrawal of foreign forces is a precondition for peace, I think peace is less likely to be forthcoming.
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    I have great confidence in Mr. Holbrooke. He has proven his outstanding abilities and his worth on many occasions.
    I have walked the blue line between the Greek and the Turkish Cypriot territory in Nicosia in the past, and I think I understand to some degree how damaging that conflict is to the people of Cyprus. What is required, it seems to me, is for the leaders of the Greek Cypriot community and the leaders of the Turkish Cypriot community to recognize that that peace will not come until everyone makes a firm commitment to put the common good above whatever temporary tactical advantages they are trying to achieve.
    Lately there have been provocations in weapons systems on both sides. We shouldn't pretend that this is a one-sided issue. It isn't.
    I think it is important that we move now because President Clerides and Mr. Denktas represent a generation that soon will not be with us. These gentlemen went to school together; they knew each other; they worked together. They provide, I think, a last good opportunity for reconciliation in Cyprus.
    Before they are gone, the world community must help bring peace to Cyprus. So with that understanding that this is, in fact, a pro-peace and pro-reconciliation measure, which I am sure the Chairman intended, I speak for its support.
    Thank you.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Bereuter. Thank you for your supporting statement.
    Mr. Sherman.
    Mr. SHERMAN. I would like to associate myself with the comments of the Chairman and the Ranking Member and compliment the Chairman for bringing us this resolution.
    Nicosia—we should note that Nicosia is the only divided city in the world, and we should commend the President for naming Richard Holbrooke to act as a Special Envoy for Cyprus and to invest some of this country's prestige in trying to resolve that problem.
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    I believe that when the problem is resolved, that we will see a withdrawal of all foreign troops from Cyprus and the unity of the island.
    I was pleased to meet with the ambassadors from Cyprus just an hour ago, and I know that everyone in Cyprus looks forward to peace and unity.
    Thank you.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Sherman.
    Mr. Burton.
    Mr. BURTON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I would like to associate myself with the remarks of Mr. Bereuter. This issue has been debated on the floor of the U.S. House for a good many years, and everybody wants peace and stability on Cyprus, but a lot of people seem to forget what happened back in the sixties and seventies when Archbishop Makarios adopted a policy of inoses, where he wanted to reunite or unite Cyprus with Greece, thereby giving Greece control over that island ultimately.
    And there was fighting, an awful lot of Turkish Cypriots were killed, and the Turkish Government felt, in order to save those people's lives and secure their property, that they had to send troops in there. And, hence, the fighting has been going on, off and on, for lo these many years, and there is a division on that island.
    We all want peace and stability, but it has to be handled in a very delicate manner. Until the leaders of the two sides sit down and come up with a long-lasting agreement, I doubt seriously if they are ever going to resolve this problem, even if the troops were removed. And I think it would be a very difficult situation if the Turkish troops were removed before there was an agreement reached between both the Greek and the Turkish Cypriot sides on that island.
    So while I applaud the goal of a lasting peace and a solution to the Cyprus issue, I think it should be made very clear in this discussion that until the two sides sit down and really work this thing out, there is not likely to be a peaceful solution, nor is it likely that the Turkish troops are going to be removed.
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    We could pass all the resolutions we want, but until they have reached agreement that is going to be of lasting duration, I don't think you are going to see the Turkish troops removed.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Burton.
    Are there any other Members seeking recognition?
    Mr. Menendez.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, I want to associate myself with your remarks and that of the Ranking Member and simply say that the fact of the matter is that this is one of the most militarized places in the world, considering its size. And what we seek, I believe, those of us who are arduously trying to attain peace with justice in Cyprus, is a U.N. resolution, not an American solution, one that imposes its will upon one side or the other. In fact, there are resolutions that have been passed by the United Nations, and they clearly call for certain actions to be taken on both sides.
    From my vantage point and view over the last 5 years as a Member of the Committee, it seems to me that even the Secretary General of the United Nations at the time talked about intransigence on behalf of the Turkish side. So we hope the opportunities that come forth as a result of the negotiations that will take place between President Clerides and Mr. Denktas next month in New York, as well as the appointment of Ambassador Holbrooke, who is clearly an outstanding negotiator, really move us along.
    I am concerned that we sometimes seem not to be willing to speak up for human rights when it is an ally that is implicated. For us, in order to be able to pursue human rights as one of the three pillars of foreign diplomacy that we have heard this Administration say time and time again is part of their foreign diplomacy, we have to speak up, whether it is friend or foe.
    And so I think this resolution, in fact, goes a long way toward promoting that and hopefully does create an opportunity where the demilitarization of this country takes place in the best interest not only of Greek and Turkish Cypriots but at the same time creates an opportunity for greater stability in what is an important part of the world.
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    I would ask that my full comments be included in the record.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Menendez appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Menendez.
    Mr. Rohrabacher.
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Chairman, does this resolution require the Government of Turkey to unilaterally make military withdrawals from Cyprus before agreements have been reached?
    Chairman GILMAN. The answer to that is no.
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. Excuse me?
    Chairman GILMAN. It does not require them to unilaterally withdraw.
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. All right. You know, we have a lot of responsibility.
    Mr. BURTON. Would the gentleman yield?
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. Yes, I will.
    Mr. BURTON. I would just like to clarify that.
    Mr. Chairman, can you tell me what the language means when it says, ''the withdrawal of all foreign troops,'' if that doesn't mean unilateral withdrawal from the Turkish troops on the island?
    Chairman GILMAN. It says—the language considers lasting peace and stability on Cyprus could be best secured by a process of complete demilitarization, leading to the withdrawal of all foreign occupation forces, the cessation of foreign arms transfers, and providing for alternative internationally acceptable and effective security arrangements negotiated.
    Mr. BURTON. What troops are you talking about?
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    Chairman GILMAN. All the troops that are there.
    Mr. BURTON. What troops are there?
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. Reclaiming my time——
    Chairman GILMAN. They are both Greek, Turkish, and some British troops.
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. Reclaiming my time, so specifically we are talking about agreements that would be reached for demilitarization and people putting down their weapons, and then, after an agreement has been reached, we are calling on the Turkish troops to withdraw? Is that correct?
    Chairman GILMAN. We are not putting any timetable on it. It is part of the process of achieving a peace by demilitarization.
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. I would just like to state for the record that at times we in Congress, we have people who are looking out for parochial interests because there are political interests at stake, domestic political interests at stake. I remember very clearly, before those Turkish troops went into Cyprus, there was killing going on, there was chaos. And I am not going to put a blame on who it was, but since the time the Turks have been there, we do not have the type of chaotic situations we had before.
    And I am not necessarily saying the Turks are the good guys or the bad guys, but we better make sure that simply because there are more Greek Americans than there are Turkish Americans, that we don't just make a decision based on that type of political consideration.
    In terms of this amendment, obviously, if this amendment is suggesting that we should work with all the sides to find a solution that will permit the Turks eventually to withdraw, so that their military occupation is no longer necessary, that, of course, is acceptable. But I want to make sure we are not talking about unilateral withdrawal before the conflict is resolved.
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    Chairman GILMAN. Will the gentleman yield?
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. Yes, sir, I will.
    Chairman GILMAN. If you will note on paragraph 2 on page 3, at lines 11 through 13, it says, ''in providing for alternative internationally acceptable and effective security arrangements as negotiated by the parties.''
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. Well, that is good. And thank you very much for answering my question.
    Chairman GILMAN. I thank the gentleman for his remarks.
    Is there anyone else seeking recognition?
    If there is no one else seeking recognition, are there any other amendments to the resolution?
    If there are no further amendments, the gentleman from Nebraska is recognized to offer a motion.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, procedurally as the Vice Chairman, I move that the Chairman be requested to seek consideration of this measure, as amended, on the Suspension Calendar.
    Chairman GILMAN. The question is on the motion from the gentleman from Nebraska. As many as in favor of the motion, signify by saying aye.
    As many as opposed, signify by saying no.
    The ayes appear to have it. The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to. Further proceedings on this measure are postponed.
    Chairman GILMAN. The next measure we will be taking up is H.R. 2035, relating to the transfer of certain naval vessels. The Chair lays the measure before the Committee. The clerk will report the title of the bill.
    Ms. RUSH. H.R. 2035, a bill to authorize the transfer of naval vessels to certain foreign countries.
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    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the first reading of the bill will be dispensed with. The clerk will read the text of the bill for amendment.
    Ms. RUSH. Be it enacted by the Senate and the House of Representatives that the——
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the bill is considered as having been read and open to amendment at any point.
    [The bill appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. The Chair will recognize himself to introduce this resolution.
    The purpose of this legislation is to authorize the transfer of 14 ships to 8 countries: Brazil, Chile, Egypt, Israel, Malaysia, Mexico, Thailand, and Taiwan.
    This legislation is identical to a measure included in our Committee-reported foreign aid bill just last month. All 14 of these proposed transfers will be sold pursuant to Section 21 of the Arms Export Control Act.
    I want to underscore that none of these proposed transfers is a grant. As a result of these sales, our Treasury will receive $162.6 million. These 14 ships involve 5 classes: seven Knox class frigates; three Newport class tank landing ships; two Perry class guided missile frigates; one Hunley class submarine tender, and one Kaiser class oiler.
    It is important to note that our Navy expects that by proceeding with these sales the United States will realize an additional $195 million for training, for supplies, for support and repair services.
    I also want to point out to my colleagues that the proposed legislation includes language similar to that included in previous ship transfer legislation requiring the Secretary of the Navy, to the maximum extent feasible, to require that any repair or reactivation work be done in the United States, in our shipyards.
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    It is my understanding from the Navy that each of the recipient countries have agreed to that proviso with respect to these proposed transfers.
    And finally, I understand that our Navy strongly supports the transfer of these vessels to advance the valuable cooperative relationships that we have developed with each of the Nation's navies. Accordingly, I urge the Members of our Committee to support the legislation.
    Are there any amendments?
    Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Hamilton.
    Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Chairman, I think it is worth pointing out to Members of this Committee that this is an area where this Committee has had a very beneficial impact on policy, bringing about the important change in ship transfer policy. As you emphasized in your statement, these ships are being transferred for sales and not for grants.
    The second point I want to make is that there aren't very many bills that come before the Congress that have everybody winning, and clearly I think that is the case here. The U.S. Navy wins; the U.S. shipyards wins; the U.S. Treasury wins; and U.S. foreign policy wins. It is a good bill. I urge its adoption.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Hamilton.
    Is there anyone else seeking recognition? Mr. Manzullo.
    Mr. MANZULLO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Last year, somebody from the Navy came with a list of ten ships that were to be given away, and Congressman (now Senator Brownback from Kansas), and I objected strenuously that we were giving away ships that were paid for by taxpayer dollars. The bill was withdrawn. Several months later, the Defense Department came back with a bill to sell or lease most of those same ships and to give away one of those, and the gift was to be in exchange for some—a port rental. And at that time, we discovered that by coming back with a new bill it would save the taxpayers $496 million, which wasn't bad for a day's work here in Congress. And, of course, I took full credit for that. And Mr. Brownback was elected to the U.S. Senate because he is the head of the Kansas Navy.
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    Chairman GILMAN. Will the gentleman yield?
    Mr. MANZULLO. Yes, I certainly will.
    Chairman GILMAN. I want to commend the gentleman—I am sure my colleagues would join me—in having brought this to our attention initially and as a result not only the $496 million previously, but now we have a couple hundred more million that you may take credit for.
    Mr. MANZULLO. Well, after a while this is going to begin to add up. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. A million here and a million there; pretty soon it adds up.
    Mr. BURTON. The Kansas Navy?
    Chairman GILMAN. I recognize Mr. Rohrabacher to offer an amendment.
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. Yes. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment that I am offering today. Basically, it expresses the sense of Congress that the Secretary of the Navy make all possible efforts to make available to the Government of the Philippines, under the standard excess defense articles process, a TAGOS class ship at the earliest possible time.
    In my recent discussion with the Chief of Staff of the Philippine Armed Forces, and other high-ranking Philippine military officers, they repeatedly expressed their concern that they lack adequate Naval equipment, including radar capability, to monitor their territorial waters and the area around their legal territories in the Spratly Islands.
    During recent months, the Chinese Navy has made numerous incursions into the Spratly area. The most recent incident occurred last week on Friday, June 20th, 1997. The Chinese Navy has been emboldened in their probes into Philippine territory due to the withdrawal of U.S. Naval forces from the area and the limitation of the Philippine naval capabilities.
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    It is in our national interest for the Secretary of the Navy to make available to our international treaty partner, the Philippines, an excess TAGOS Stalwart class ship which can later be outfitted with appropriate radar systems so that the Philippine Armed Forces can better monitor their territory and issue timely warnings to intruders in order to prevent armed confrontations.
    Reportedly in fiscal year 1999, two U.S. Navy TAGOS class ships will become excess defense articles. One of these ships has already been committed to the Government of Portugal. My resolution will request that the Secretary of the Navy make the other excess TAGOS ship available to the Philippine Government at the earliest possible time.
    I am not requesting by my resolution that this be a gift to the Philippines. This is, again, available for a purchase.
    One last thing that I would like to add, the Spratly Islands and other ocean territories owned by the Philippines should be of concern to the United States of America. If we permit the Chinese to think they can bully our friend, the Philippines, we will end up in a conflict. And this is a good way to deter that conflict, send a message to Beijing.
    Last of all, the Philippines is a democracy. The Philippines have come a long way, and this is a good way for us to pat them on the back for trying to clean up the corruption that was rampant in the Philippines for 20 years and now in the last 5 years, they have had democratic elections. They have done their best, and they have become truly a democratic society.
    So we should be trying to work with them as friends and fellow democratic countries and this resolution makes sense from that regard.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Will the gentleman yield?
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. Yes, I will.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Will the gentleman yield?
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    Chairman GILMAN. The gentleman will withhold for a moment.
    The Rohrabacher amendment has been distributed. The clerk will read the amendment.
    Ms. RUSH. Page 3, after line 6, insert the following new section: Section 2. Sense of the Congress regarding ship transfers and international cooperation with the Republic of the Philippines.
    (a) FINDINGS—the Congress makes the following findings.
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the amendment is considered as having been read.
    [The amendment appears in the appendix.]

    Mr. HAMILTON. Will the gentleman yield?
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Hamilton.
    Mr. HAMILTON. I just want to check with the Administration and see if they support this legislation.
    Chairman GILMAN. Is there a representative here from the Department of Navy?
    Mr. RYAN. Yes, sir.
    Chairman GILMAN. Would you identify yourself, please?
    Mr. RYAN. Yes, sir. My name is Bill Ryan from the Navy International Programs Office.
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Ryan, would you state the Navy's position on this proposal?
    Mr. RYAN. Yes, sir. The Navy has no objection to one TAGOS oceanographic surveillance vessel to be included in this legislation for the Philippines.
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    Mr. BEREUTER. Would Mr. Hamilton yield for a question of the witness?
    Mr. HAMILTON. Sure.
    Mr. BEREUTER. I would ask the gentleman, is there anything in this amendment which would preclude the law enforcement—the DEA or the U.S. Coast Guard—from having first opportunity to receive this vessel versus a foreign government?
    What is the U.S. Navy policy regarding transfer to other U.S. Federal agencies like the DEA or the Coast Guard?
    Mr. RYAN. Any vessel that the U.S. Navy proposes to transfer to a foreign government is screened throughout the U.S. Government for further use by other departments or agencies first.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Thank you.
    Mr. RYAN. You are welcome.
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Hamilton.
    Mr. HAMILTON. No, that's all right.
    Chairman GILMAN. I am pleased to support the gentleman's sense of the Congress amendment in light of the Chinese incursions in the disputed territory of the Spratlys, including the 1995 Mischief Reef incident, and recent forays by the Chinese Navy into Philippino territory, these ships could provide additional capability to the Philippine Navy. Accordingly, I urge Members to support the amendment.
    All in favor of the amendment signify in the usual manner.
    Opposed.
    Apparently the ayes have it. The amendment is agreed to.
    Are there any further amendments?
    There are no further amendments. The gentleman from Nebraska is recognized to offer a motion.
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    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Chairman be requested to seek consideration of this measure as amended on the suspension calendar.
    Chairman GILMAN. The question is on the motion from the gentleman from Nebraska. As many as in favor of the motion signify in the usual manner by saying, aye.
    As many as opposed, signify by saying, no.
    The ayes appear to have it. The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to.
    Without objection, the Chairman is authorized to make motions under Rule 20 relative to going to conference on this measure to—or a counterpart from the Senate. Further proceedings on this measure are now postponed.
    The next measure we will take up is H. Con. Res. 99, relating to the situation in Sierra Leone. The Chair lays the measure before the Committee. The clerk will report the title of the resolution.
    Ms. RUSH. House Concurrent Resolution 99. Concurrent resolution expressing concern over recent events in the Republic of Sierra Leone in the wake of the recent military coup d'etat of that country's first democratically elected President.
    Chairman GILMAN. The clerk will read the preamble and operative language of the resolution.
    Ms. RUSH. Whereas for the first time in almost 30 years the Republic of Sierra Leone——
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the preamble and operative text of the resolution will be considered as having been read and is open to amendment at any point.
    [The resolution appears in the appendix.]

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    Chairman GILMAN. The Chair recognizes Mr. Royce, the Chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa, to introduce a resolution.
    Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. In Sierra Leone, voters braved great hardship last year in turning out to vote in the midst of a rebel war. Many voters had their hands amputated for participating in that election, which returned a constitutional government to Sierra Leone after years of military rule.
    Unfortunately, a group of rogue military officers overthrew that elected government several weeks ago and now hold the country hostage to their shifting demands. This resolution calls upon those military officers to surrender control and return the reigns of government to the duly elected officials.
    And I will mention, Mr. Chairman, that our delegation recently returned from Harare, Zimbabwe, the OAU meeting there, and this same sentiment, this same theme, was discussed by the African nations present. It is somewhat unprecedented to have all of those nations in concurrence on undemocratic developments in other African countries, but the concern expressed on Sierra Leone was unanimous.
    I am going to yield to Mr. Houghton, the Vice Chair of the Africa Subcommittee, and sponsor of this legislation.
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Houghton.
    Mr. HOUGHTON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I really don't have anything further to say. Mr. Royce summed it up. I support his position. Maybe Mr. Hastings would like to say something.
    Mr. ROYCE. I seek recognition to recognize Mr. Hastings.
    Mr. HOUGHTON. Thank you.
    Mr. HASTINGS. I thank you, Mr. Chairman. And Chairman Royce, thank you very much for the aggressive and expeditious manner that you have handled not only this but other matters pertaining to the African continent, and I would like to thank the original cosponsor of this matter, Mr. Houghton, for all of his work and also our staffs for the extraordinary work that they have done.
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    Mr. Chairman, as an original cosponsor of H. Con. Res. 99, I obviously express my strong support for this legislation that condemns the military coup as expressed in the legislation. As Chairman Royce has said, 3 weeks ago, he, Ranking Member Menendez and myself, were in attendance at the opening of the Organization of African Unity, and 30 countries in Africa denounced the actions that had taken place in Sierra Leone.
    Since that time, and as recently as Sunday, eight of the French-speaking countries in the sub region, who had not spoken out on this subject, have now declared in their 1-day summit in Lome, Togo, that they categorically condemn the military take-over in Sierra Leone.
    I feel that the United States by this action will send a clear message that we refuse to allow freedom to be rebuffed not only in Sierra Leone, the Continent of Africa, but throughout the world. By safeguarding the rights of Sierra Leoneans, we are protecting the rights of citizens in the international community. I urge our colleagues to join in sending this strong signal to this military regime in Sierra Leone by supporting this resolution.
    Mr. Chairman, I ask two things: First, unanimous consent to have included into the record extraneous materials. I have in hand a letter from the ambassador of the Republic of Sierra Leone that expresses strong sentiments thanking us for this resolution, and in addition thereto giving forthwith his statement with reference to ongoing anarchy and mayhem in Sierra Leone.
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the documents are accepted as part of the record.
    [The documents appear in the appendix.]

    Mr. HASTINGS. I thank the Chair. And finally, Mr. Chairman, I would like to say that one of the things that is happening that is one of the tragic consequences not only in Sierra Leone but throughout the world, where these kinds of incidents occur, significant numbers of refugees begin to migrate to other countries. Ironically, one of the sites of migration for this particular action that we condemn by this resolution is Liberia, that is barely emerging from its own civil war and now they are becoming the repository of refugees.
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    I hope somewhere along the line that not only our resolutions, but our actions as resolutely as we undertake them will assist in reconciling conflicts not only on the African Continent but throughout the world. I urge adoption, Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Hastings, for your supporting argument.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Bereuter.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I would like to state my support for this timely measure and commend the gentleman and all the Members on the African Subcommittee. Despite the representations of the coup leaders, this abysmal situation will not be made better through the rule of force of arms, but rather by the power of the ballot box.
    The bigger irony is that Freetown, a city founded as a haven for freed slaves, is now the site of anarchy, looting, murder and dictatorship. Only through the restoration of the democratically elected government of President Kabbah can Sierra Leone start on the long road to political and economic development.
    I think we have to be leery about the military intervention by the dictators of the Government of Nigeria into the situation in Sierra Leone. I cannot believe that Nigeria's professed interest in restoration of the democratically elected Government in Sierra Leone, one that they will not permit in their own country, springs from purely altruistic motives.
    Whatever the outcome, Nigerian forces must not become an occupying Army, nor can Nigeria dominate the political life of Sierra Leone. The democratic government of Sierra Leone must be restored under the control and with the participation of only the people of Sierra Leone.
    I thank the gentleman for his initiative.
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    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Bereuter.
    Are there any amendments to the resolution?
    Mr. Menendez.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. Yes. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I don't have an amendment, but as one of the Members of the Committee, I am very proud to be one of the original cosponsors of the resolution. I want to commend both of the sponsors, Mr. Houghton and Mr. Hastings. Those of us who came back from our trip to Africa and are very enthused about what is happening on the continent of Africa, we also recognize that there will be those moments in which, in fact, the progress that is being made on the continent will be set back on occasion in some places.
    Sierra Leone is one of those, but I think that what we can take to—in good stead is the swift and almost, I believe, near unanimous position of the Organization of African Unity which was swift in its condemnation, asking that governments refrain from recognizing or supporting the new regime. By adding our voice to those countries within the continent itself that are taking the same position, we send a clear message to the coup leaders that they cannot accomplish by violence what they could not accomplish at the ballot box.
    [Statement of Mr. Menendez regarding H. Con. Res. 99 appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Menendez. I, too, want to thank the sponsors of the resolution, Mr. Houghton, and other Members of our Committee, Mr. Hastings, Mr. Royce, Mr. Chabot, Mr. Payne, Mr. Sanford, Mr. Campbell, Mr. Bereuter, and Ms. Ros-Lehtinen for their support of the resolution and their prompt consideration of this resolution in condemning the military coup in Sierra Leone. By doing so, we reaffirm our support for the democratically elected government of President Kabbah. I urge our Committee to support this legislation.
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    Are there any further amendments?
    If not, the gentleman from Nebraska is recognized for a motion.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Chairman be requested to seek consideration of this measure on the suspension calendar.
    Chairman GILMAN. The question is on the motion from the gentleman from Nebraska. As many as in favor signify in the usual manner.
    As many as opposed say, no.
    The ayes appear to have it. The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to. Further proceedings on this measure are postponed.
    The next measure we will take is H.R. 175 relating to the situation in Congo, Brazzaville. The Chair lays the measure before the Committee. The clerk will report the title of the resolution.
    Ms. RUSH. House Resolution 175. Resolution expressing concern over the outbreak of violence in the Republic of Congo and the resulting threat to scheduled elections and constitutional government in that country.
    Chairman GILMAN. The clerk will read the preamble and operative language of the resolution for amendment.
    Ms. RUSH. Whereas President Pascal——
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the preamble and operative text of the resolution will be considered as having been read and is open to amendment at any point.
    [The resolution appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. The chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa, Mr. Royce, is recognized to introduce the resolution.
    Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Violence in the Republic of Congo has claimed thousands of lives over the past few weeks. Unfortunately, this tragedy has been overshadowed by events in Sierra Leone and in the neighboring democratic Republic of Congo. Confusion over the names of the former Zaire and the Republic of Congo hasn't helped matters any.
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    Nonetheless, the threat to elected government and the rule of law in Congo must be firmly opposed. Not to comment on the dire situation there sends the signal that we in America think it doesn't matter whether Congo's democracy survives. I think we must care and I think we do. And this resolution calls for a halt to the fighting and a lasting peace that will allow for the humanitarian needs of the people to be met and for the holding of planned elections.
    Moreover, we call for the disarming and the disbandment of the private militias, which are a continuing threat to peace and stability. We further commend the African nations who have undertaken diplomatic efforts to end the conflict and support those efforts considered reasonable and necessary to secure the peace.
    And finally, we call upon the parties involved in the elections to address and resolve questions concerning the election process so that there will be a free and fair election in Congo.
    We have discussed this measure with the Administration and with Committee Members and have improved this legislation based on these conversations. This legislation was marked up by the Africa Subcommittee yesterday and subsequently has been introduced in the House as passed by the Subcommittee. It is cosponsored by Mr. Houghton, Mr. Payne and Mr. Chabot.
    And I will yield the balance of my time to Mr. Chabot.
    Mr. CHABOT. I thank the gentleman for yielding. I want to commend Chairman Royce for introducing this timely resolution, and I also want to thank him and the Ranking Member of the African Subcommittee, Mr. Menendez, and the Subcommittee staff for working closely with the Members and bringing this legislation before the Committee today.
    As so often happens on our Subcommittee, a strong bipartisan effort allowed us to move with dispatch. Mr. Chairman, while we have all paid close attention in recent weeks to the situation in the former Zaire, now the democratic Republic of Congo, it is important that we do not overlook the serious situation occurring in the neighboring Republic of Congo.
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    This resolution expresses concern over the outbreak of violence in that country and the resulting threat to the democratic elections set for July 27th, just over a month away.
    As my colleagues know, elections held in the Congo in 1992 were determined to be essentially free and fair. Losing candidates in that election, however, objected and since that time violence between private militias and government forces has led to the tragic deaths of many, many people in the Congo.
    This legislation condemns that current fighting, calls for a cease-fire and calls on all private militia to disarm and disband immediately. It commends African leaders from Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon, Benin, the Central African Republic, Senegal and Chad for their efforts to negotiate a peaceful settlement and encourages their continuing efforts in working toward a sustainable political settlement.
    The resolution supports the deployment of international peacekeeping forces to the Republic of Congo, if deemed necessary. It urges the government of that republic to resolve questions concerning the upcoming elections and to prepare for open and free elections at the earliest feasible time.
    Finally, the legislation encourages the U.S. Government to provide technical assistance on election-related matters if requested to do so by the government of the Republic of Congo.
    Mr. Chairman, I believe this is a good resolution. It is well drafted. It is clearly timely. And I think it is worthy of the support of the Members of the Committee. I urge adoption of the legislation and yield back the balance of my time.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chabot.
    Mr. Hamilton.
    Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Chairman, I just want to indicate my support for the resolution and to thank Mr. Royce and Mr. Menendez, Mr. Payne and others for their work on it. It is very worthy. I urge its adoption.
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    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Hamilton.
    Do any other Members seek recognition? Mr. Payne.
    Mr. PAYNE. Yes, Mr. Chairman. Let me thank Chairman Royce and Congressman Menendez for putting forth this with myself. We have to move quickly on situations when they occur because as we see, they have a tendency to spread. There was a truce called on June 17th, but the fighting still continues. And I support the U.N.'s consideration of a U.N. force to help resolve the conflict there. And I also applaud the efforts of the eight countries who met at the summit of eight West African States and Togo recently, to discuss putting an end to the violence.
    In conclusion, I must say that if we don't act soon, we will find that this spreads. We have heard that there has been some shelling from Brazzaville into Kinshasa, which is not a good sign. And even in another region, the Sudanese officials, it has been indicated that Sudanese militiamen have gone into northern Uganda in an attempt to possibly topple Mr. Museveni.
    I just cite those to say that we need to move quickly when these situations occur. By and large, Africa is moving well. There is stability in most of the other regions. There is economic growth. Quality of life is improving. If we can take care of the few last spots that conflict is in, we will see an Africa move forward. So I urge support of this resolution from my colleague.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Payne, for your supporting comments.
    Mr. Menendez.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I also want to support the resolution which was unanimously passed by the Subcommittee and while we are seriously concerned about the violence that takes place in Congo Brazzaville, we also can take heart, I think, in the draft declaration issued by the foreign ministers of the West African Economic and Monetary Union, in which they stated that they are prepared to join a U.N. peacekeeping force to restore peace in the Congo, which is, I believe, demonstrative of a growing consensus among African nations for a proactive and African response to the outbreak of violence on the continent. I think we should welcome their declaration, and we can do so by supporting the resolution.
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    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Menendez.
    [Statement of Mr. Menendez regarding H. Res. 175 appears in the appendix.]
    Are other Members seeking recognition? If not, I just would like to thank Mr. Royce for moving this resolution expeditiously, the resolution which condemns the factional fighting taking place in the Republic of Congo over the last few weeks. There are no good guys in the fighting in the Congo. This resolution recognizes that fact. All parties to the conflict are called upon to stop the violence and work toward a peaceful solution.
    I also want to thank Chairman Archer for bringing this matter to our attention during the past week and urging that we move the resolution. They have been visiting the Congo not too long ago and wanted to make certain that we did not neglect this situation.
    If there are no other comments and no other amendments to this resolution, I recognize Mr. Bereuter to offer a motion.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Chairman be requested to seek consideration of this measure on the suspension calendar.
    Chairman GILMAN. The question is on the motion from the gentleman from Nebraska. As many as in favor of the amendment signify in the usual manner by saying aye.
    As many as opposed, say no.
    The ayes appear to have it. The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to. Further proceedings on the measure are now postponed.
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, we are going to take up out of order H. Con. Res. 105, since the gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Traficant, has joined us, who is the sponsor of the measure. The next measure we are taking up is H. Con. Res. 105 relating to the situation in Albania.
    The Chair lays a measure before the Committee. The clerk will report the title of the resolution.
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    Ms. RUSH. House Concurrent Resolution 105. Concurrent resolution expressing the sense of the Congress relating to the elections in Albania scheduled for June 29th, 1997.
    Chairman GILMAN. The clerk will read the preamble and operative language of the resolution for amendment.
    Ms. RUSH. Resolved by the House of Representatives that it is the sense of the Congress——
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the preamble and operative text of the resolution will be considered as having been read and as being open to amendment at any point.
    [The resolution appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. The Chair recognizes the original sponsor of the resolution, Mr. Traficant, in support of the resolution.
    Mr. TRAFICANT. I want to thank you, Mr. Chairman, and also Mr. Hamilton and the Committee, for allowing me this opportunity.
    In March 1991, Albania held free elections, the first free elections in 45 years. And they adopted a democratic form of government. In the 1996 parliamentary elections, there was widespread voter fraud, and there are attempts now to dismantle the beginning of a lasting democratic form of government in Albania. There are many that are concerned because of some of the economic chaos that has been attributed now to this new democracy where capitalism is having an opportunity to go through some ups and downs. They are attempting to revert back to socialism. The Socialist party has made strong overtones that they would not honor a June 29th election if it is not in their favor.
    The Traficant language is very simplistic and to the point, to support the opportunity for a long-lasting democratic process form of government in Albania. My resolution is simply a sense of the Congress that says America and the Congress of the United States support free and open elections on June 29th.
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    And second of all, the Congress of the United States also supports that all political parties should abide by the decision of those voters in Albania in that free and open election process.
    I believe that we have an opportunity to maintain a long-lasting democracy in Albania. I would also like to say to this Committee there are those that believe that Albania could unravel into a possibility of another Bosnia with some of the problems that exist there.
    A very simplistic sense of the Congress, calling for free and open elections on June 29th, and that those political parties, all political parties, honor the outcome of the will of the voting people in Albania, Chairman.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Traficant appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. I want to thank the gentleman, Mr. Traficant of Ohio, for this resolution expressing the sense of Congress that the elections in Albania scheduled for this Sunday, June 29th, should be free and fair, and that the results should be respected by all the parties in Albania. It is an opportunity for this Committee to go on record concerning these crucial elections.
    As we all know, the recent situation in Albania has been extremely troubling with central authority having broken down and normal existence disrupted for a majority of Albania's people. The national parliamentary elections scheduled for this Sunday will be a critical first step in helping Albania get back on track, building a democratic society. And I commend the gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Traficant, for bringing the measure to our attention at this opportune time.
    The Albanian people have suffered enormous hardships throughout the century, and I have always been hopeful that having expelled their former Communist overlords, a way would be open for Albanian citizens to enjoy the true benefits of an economic and a political progress. The events that unfolded late last year with the insolvency and collapse of several major investment houses came as a deep disappointment, and the violence that erupted early this year was a true shock to most Members of Congress, including myself.
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    It is now time for us to support Albania and to ensure that the Albanians can resurrect a civil society under legitimate governmental authority. I urge our Committee to adopt the resolution.
    I recognize Mr. Hamilton.
    Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Traficant, let me just express my appreciation to you for bringing the resolution forward. I think it is a worthwhile initiative. We know we have to begin to move Albania away from the current impasse and toward an open and democratic country. I support the resolution. I thank you, and I commend it to my colleagues.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Hamilton.
    Mr. Bereuter.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    About 2 years ago I had the privilege of accompanying the Frost-Solomon task force to provide House assistance to the Albanian Parliament and to their country. I was terribly impressed, greatly impressed, by the energetic nature of the Albanian people and by their hunger for democracy. We were very optimistic at that time. There is not a group of people I have run into across the world that were more pro-American and, I think, continue to be pro-American. In every way they have been cooperative, and with bipartisan support from this authorizing committee and working through the Appropriations Committee, we provided special assistance. We had a relatively small, but very broadly constituted American presence in Albania to assist.
    So we were terribly disappointed by recent regression there, in an economic sense, but also in a political sense and a move away from democracy. So I want to commend the gentleman for bringing us this simple but very straightforward and important resolution, which expresses our concern that the elections will be democratic and that all parties respect the outcome of those democratic elections.
    The American people, the American Government, the Congress, is going to be watching to make sure that, in fact, they do not betray the Albanian people in their quest for democracy. So I thank the gentleman for his effort, and, of course, we will have unanimous support for it.
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    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Bereuter.
    Are there any further comments? Are there any amendments?
    If there are no amendments, the gentleman from Nebraska is recognized to offer a motion.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Chairman be requested to seek consideration of this measure on the suspension calendar.
    Chairman GILMAN. The question is on the motion of the gentleman from Nebraska. As many as in favor of the amendment signify by saying aye.
    As many as opposed, say no.
    The ayes appear to have it. The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to. Further proceedings on this measure are postponed.
    Chairman GILMAN. Now, we go to the last measure on our calendar, the African Development Act, and hopefully we will be able to finish it up before we get to a vote.
    The measure H.R. 1432, the African Growth and Opportunity Act, is laid before the Committee. The clerk will report the title of the bill.
    Ms. RUSH. H.R. 1432, a bill to authorize a new trade and investment policy for sub-Saharan Africa.
    [The bill appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the first reading of the bill will be dispensed with. Without objection, the amendment in the nature of a substitute reported by the Subcommittee on Africa will be considered as original text for the purposes of amendment. The clerk will read the text of the amendment in the nature of a substitute for amendment.
    Ms. RUSH. Strike all after the enacting clause and insert the following:
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    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the amendment in the nature of a substitute is considered as having been read and open for amendment at any point.
    [The amendment in the nature of a substitute appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. The Chair recognizes the distinguished gentleman from California, Mr. Royce, the chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa, to introduce the bill.
    Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The African Growth and Opportunity Act has been widely talked about over the last year, but never more so than since President Clinton indicated his support for the bill's concept last week.
    The idea of promoting trade with Africa, rather than merely continuing aid programs, is an increasingly popular point of view. The Africa Subcommittee has held several hearings on African economic issues, and we have gotten a tremendously positive response to our examinations of African economic capacity.
    During our recent congressional delegation to South Africa, Angola, Congo and Zimbabwe, this bill was one of the foremost issues of discussion with Parliamentarians and each of the heads of state. It is clear that most African leaders want a helping hand, not a handout. This bill provides significant incentives and benefits for African nations making necessary economic reforms.
    I believe more work needs to be done on this bill, some of which will take place today. Nevertheless, I wholeheartedly support the concept of fundamentally changing the U.S.-Africa relationship from donor/recipient to buyer/seller.
    And I yield the balance of my time to Vice Chairman Houghton, one of the original cosponsors of this bill and someone who has worked very closely with the bill's sponsors, Mr. Crane and Mr. McDermott.
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    Chairman GILMAN. I thank the gentleman.
    Is anyone else seeking recognition?
    Mr. HOUGTON. Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Houghton.
    Mr. HOUGTON. Yes, Mr. Chairman. I just want to follow up and support the statement of Mr. Royce. This is a timely bill. It is a transition bill. It is to create equity and infrastructure funds for Africa. It is something which I think we all can agree on, and I wholeheartedly support it.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Houghton.
    Is anyone else seeking recognition on the bill?
    Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Menendez.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Chairman, this legislation is one of the final legs of U.S. policy toward the African continent, and while I personally continue to believe that our bilateral assistance will still be crucial for a while and, in fact, creates the foundation so that trade and investment can fully take place, clearly this trade and investment promotion that we are doing through this legislation are equally crucial to the development and advancement of sub-Saharan Africa and for Africa as a continent in its totality. And we heard that from leadership in the private sector that exists within Africa on our trip.
    Moreover, I think the legislation provides opportunity both for Africans and for Americans. The bill is comprehensive. It will not only facilitate trade and investment, but I think it also is a landmark piece of legislation because it places new emphasis on the importance of Africa to America, and as a result it will engage both Americans and American businesses in Africa.
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    I do want to say that there are some of us who are concerned about some aspects of the bill, over which we do not have jurisdiction in this Committee. So while we are supporting it in this process, there are still some things that those of us who are concerned are going to be seeking amendments on the floor. But to the extent of what this Committee's jurisdiction is, we believe generally this is a good bill.
    I would mention that I intend, of course, to support the bill. I have some considerable concerns about the textile and apparel portions of the bill. Those of us who represent textile industries and whose districts are impacted by NAFTA know that we can't afford to lose even one more textile job, but on the whole this bill begins a new era in America's policy toward Africa, an era where America wholeheartedly embraces Africa, its people, its enormous wealth of opportunity, and an era in which we can pursue policies that seek to improve the lives of Africans and does so at the same time enhancing the lives of Americans in terms of the trade and investment opportunities that clearly exist on the continent.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Menendez.
    I have an amendment at the desk. The clerk will report the amendment.
    Ms. RUSH. En bloc amendment offered by Mr. Gilman, page 3, line 5, strike ''for a fiscal year only.''
    Page 3, line 11, strike——
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection the amendment en bloc is considered as having been read.
    Chairman GILMAN. I will just speak briefly on the en bloc amendment. This en bloc amendment to the amendment in the nature of a substitute, which I understand is supported by the Committee's Ranking Member, Mr. Hamilton, and by the Subcommittee Chairman, Mr. Royce, includes a provision barring assistance to any country that engages in a consistent pattern of human rights violations, incorporates clarifying and conforming changes in the overseas private investment cooperation provision, makes several technical and perfecting changes, and amends the provisions regarding the Export-Import Bank at the request of the Banking Committee.
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    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, may I be heard?
    Chairman GILMAN. If the gentleman will withhold, I ask unanimous consent that the full text of my statement of the en bloc amendment statement be included at this point in the record.
    [The en bloc amendment to the amendment in the nature of a substitute appears in the appendix.]
    Mr. Bereuter.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, if I can be recognized on the en bloc amendment?
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Bereuter.
    Mr. BEREUTER. I would like to say, first of all, that I certainly commend the gentleman who took the initiative on this. I am proud to be a cosponsor. I do think that the legislation itself, if properly implemented, will be the most important legislation enacted by this Congress since Africa escaped from colonialism.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Bereuter.
    Mr. BEREUTER. I would like to say with respect to your en bloc amendment, I have a brief colloquy with you, Mr. Chairman. On page 2 of your en bloc amendment, that sense of Congress language that indicates that the programs and benefits of this bill should not be made available to countries whose governments engage in a, quote, ''consistent pattern of gross violations of internationally recognized human rights,'' I am interested whether you believe the language would apply to the very unfortunate situation that prevails in Nigeria today. I hope that it would be your intention that as that situation currently does exist, it would apply to Nigeria today.
    Chairman GILMAN. I thank the gentleman. If the gentleman will yield?
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    Mr. BEREUTER. I would yield.
    Chairman GILMAN. I thank the gentleman for his inquiry. Two nations that fall into this category are Nigeria and Sudan. Regarding Sudan, in 1996, the State Department Human Rights Report notes, and I quote, ''government forces were responsible for extra-judicial killings, disappearances, forced labor, slavery and forced conscription of children. Government security forces regularly harassed, arbitrarily arrested and detained, tortured and beat opponents or suspected opponents of the government with impunity.''
    Regarding Nigeria, the same report notes, and I quote, that ''the human rights record in Nigeria is dismal. General Abacha's government relied regularly on arbitrary detention and harassment to silence its many critics. The winner of the annulled 1993 Presidential election, Chief Abiola, remained in detention on charges of treason, and in June unidentified persons murdered Abiola's senior wife and under mysterious circumstances.''
    While I would not preclude other nations in sub-Saharan Africa from meeting this nefarious standard, Nigeria and Sudan have both exhibited a clear, consistent pattern of gross violations of internationally recognized human rights and should not qualify for any of the programs mentioned in this legislation.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate you helping me establish this legislative intent and I yield back the balance of my time.
    Chairman GILMAN. I thank the gentleman.
    Mr. HASTINGS. Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Who is seeking recognition?
    Mr. HASTINGS. Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Hastings.
    Mr. HASTINGS. Mr. Chairman, I wish to associate myself with the earlier remarks of the Ranking Member of the Africa Subcommittee, Mr. Menendez, regarding the fact that while many of us support the matter before us today, jurisdictionally we have some concerns. The gentleman from Nebraska raises with you in the colloquy a particularly significant point, but it highlights something that I think we need to tread very cautiously into.
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    For example, while we bash Nigeria, and you, Mr. Chairman, outline the specifics of the human rights violations that Nigeria is alleged to have made, I find very little difference in those litany of remarks that you set forth and what we voted on yesterday with reference to most-favored-nation status of China.
    I can't understand how we can continue in this double standard posture without recognizing our own hypocrisy. Let me cite again to Nigeria the fact that right now the resolution that I offered earlier today, the Nigerians are the largest number of the peacekeeping forces that are trying to stabilize Sierra Leone, and I would not want them to gain any greater recognition or any less. But in the whole of ECOWAS and in the whole of ECOMOG, they have been directly involved, and, I might add also, in U.N. peacekeeping measures.
    So we need to carefully tread as we go along, and I suggest to my good friend from Nebraska and the Chairman that I will raise these issues at such time as it reaches the floor.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Would the gentleman yield?
    Mr. HASTINGS. Indeed I would.
    Mr. BEREUTER. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
    I would just like to point out two things: One, that this Committee has been silent on what is going on in Nigeria for far too long; and second, this bill will convey GSP status, OPIC status and Export-Import Bank status on all the recipient countries of Africa, a very positive step. Those are conditions and programs that do not apply to China.
    So we would be applying a much more favorable status on Nigeria if they were to be deemed eligible despite their human rights violations, and I just wanted to call this distinction to the gentleman's attention.
    Thank you very much for yielding.
    Mr. HASTINGS. I appreciate very much the distinction from my good friend from Nebraska. I still believe that there are some double standards.
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    Chairman GILMAN. If the gentleman will yield?
    Mr. HASTINGS. Indeed I will, Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. I profess that I don't have a double standard. I voted against MFN for China.
    Mr. HASTINGS. Well, the Chairman is an enlightened person as it comes to standards.
    Chairman GILMAN. I thank the gentleman.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. SMITH. Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Smith.
    Mr. SMITH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I want to commend you for your fine amendment and just point out that in a moment after this amendment has been dispensed with, I plan to offer an amendment that would put in the eligibility requirements section an amendment that would have, I think, further teeth. If it is the sense of the Congress, why shouldn't it just be plain statutory language? It would be that those countries that do engage in gross violation of internationally recognized human rights would be ineligible.
    I think it is important. I mean, there are 18 other separate ''what ifs'' and ''wherefores'' in terms of conditionality. There was one that deals with due process rights, but not one on the broad array of internationally recognized human rights. As my colleagues know so well, last Congress, we held two almost day-long hearings on what was going on in Nigeria. We did it with Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, then chairwoman of the African Subcommittee. We also had a hearing and ongoing work with regard to what is going on in other parts of the Sudan. We had a hearing on chattel slavery in the Sudan. It was absolutely devastating to hear what is going on in that country.
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    And let me remind people, because we will get to this in a moment, but the amendment leaves it to the President to make a determination, so he does have that flexibility. But I think to advance such a major piece of legislation—and I agree with my friend from Nebraska, this is very, very important landmark legislation—and not to have a real tangible reference to human rights would be a gross omission.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Smith.
    Mr. Payne.
    Mr. PAYNE. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
    I may be very brief. I support your amendment. I think that we have to send a message. I too voted against MFN. I supported language against Indonesia. I have been against child labor in Pakistan and Bangladesh, and I also opposed the Government of Nigeria in the way that Chief Obasanjo and Chief Abiola and others have been imprisoned. I think that human rights is very important. And for Mr. Bereuter, we have attempted to get the Nigerian Democracy Act, which I have introduced in each Congress, but it has not been able to get through. And so there is concern, there is interest, and I would support the amendment.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Would the gentleman yield?
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Payne.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Would the gentleman yield?
    Mr. PAYNE. Yes, I yield.
    Mr. BEREUTER. I thank the gentleman for yielding and would just point out that I continue to follow your lead and cosponsored each time. It is important to act, and I hope we advance it.
    Mr. PAYNE. Thank you very much.
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Rohrabacher.
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. I support your en bloc amendment, and I will be very brief in stating that I intend on the floor to add an amendment to this piece of legislation that will ensure that the loan guarantees and the trading concessions that are a part of this bill benefit only those countries that are democratic countries in sub-Saharan Africa, and that this again is not inconsistent. I oppose any of these things for dictatorships anyplace else in the world, and I opposed most-favored-nation status in China.
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    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you.
    I will now put the question on amendment en bloc. As many as are in favor of the amendment, signify in the usual manner by saying aye.
    As many as opposed, say no.
    The ayes appear to have it. The amendment is agreed to.
    Are there any further amendments to the amendment in the nature of a substitute?
    Mr. Smith.
    Mr. SMITH. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
    Chairman GILMAN. The clerk will distribute the amendment.
    Ms. RUSH. Amendment offered by Mr. Smith. Page 3, line 6, insert after ''country'', the following: Does not engage in gross violations of internationally recognized human rights and——
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the amendment is considered as having been read and open for discussion.
    [The amendment to H.R. 1432 offered by Mr. Smith appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Smith is recognized for 5 minutes on the amendment.
    Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. First of all, I want to commend Chairman Royce for his leadership on this important landmark legislation, and Mr. Crane as well. I think this really puts this Congress squarely behind the emerging democracies in sub-Saharan Africa, and it always has occurred to me that the best antipoverty program is a job, and this kind of assistance, this kind of calibrated economic policy, I think, will yield to an emerging middle class, and that will lead to stability and respect for human rights in the long run and a lot of good other things.
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    Mr. SMITH. [Continuing.] This bill is long, like I said, but I think there is an omission. This language takes care of that and goes a bit beyond the sense of the Congress language.
    I just want to remind Members, and I said it a moment ago, if you look at the text of the bill, there is point after point on intellectual property rights and other kinds of important considerations, but missing is this internationally recognized human rights observance which this language would now put into the bill.
    Let's not forget Ken Saro-Wiwa. When we had our hearing, we heard graphic and absolutely horrific descriptions of what he suffered when he was hung for his advocacy in Nigeria. We know the problem that is going on in the Sudan.
    As I mentioned before, we heard in one of our hearings from the gentlelady from Florida how chattel slavery is not only alive and well but it is growing and that Khartoum is imposing terrible conditions on the south of Sudan, using food as a weapon and all kinds of other disgraceful things, so I hope that this friendly amendment will be accepted. It strengthens the bill, and I do think it puts us all on record that human rights do matter.
    Notwithstanding yesterday's vote, and there are good people on both sides of the aisle there and both sides of that issue here, I think, coming out of the blocks, we have a clear responsibility to make human rights an important consideration.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Smith.
    Mr. Royce.
    Mr. ROYCE. If I could ask Mr. Smith, what countries would you anticipate would be excluded from this bill under your definition?     Mr. SMITH. Well, legislative history could say what my opinion is—and it would be left up to the President to make that determination, that is in the clear language that precedes my language if passed—but what would be anticipated would be the Sudan and Nigeria.
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    I agree with Mr. Payne, and I am, hopefully, still a cosponsor of his bill as well, that both of these countries have shown themselves to be dictatorships with brutal tendencies to repress their own people. Maybe, just maybe, this will act as a prod, knowing that there are tremendous economic goodies at the end of the day for some reform in those countries. You know, the carrot sometimes does work; and, of course, I think this will further reforms in the other emergent democracies in sub-Saharan Africa.
    Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Smith.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. If there are no further comments on the amendment, all in favor of the Smith amendment, signify in the usual manner.
    Opposed.
    The ayes have it, and the amendment is agreed to.
    Mr. Payne.
    Mr. PAYNE. Yes, I have an amendment at the desk.
    Chairman GILMAN. The clerk will distribute the amendment. The clerk will read the amendment.
    Ms. RUSH. Amendment offered by Mr. Payne, Page 11, lines 17 and 18, strike increased flexibility in carrying out this——
    Chairman GILMAN. The amendment is considered as having been read.
    [The amendment appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. It is now open for comment by Mr. Payne, who is recognized for 5 minutes.
    Mr. PAYNE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    As I indicated, I strongly support this legislation. My amendment is very simple, Mr. Chairman.
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    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Payne, if you would withhold a moment. This is the last amendment before the Committee. If the Committee will just stand by, we will try to finish up our work within 5 minutes. Thank you.
    Mr. PAYNE. It is a very simple amendment. As it now stands, the President alone can waive and earmark the DFA and the ADF. My amendment would continue to give the President authority, but it would require the President to submit to Congress its intention prior to the waiver.
    For the record, let me just say that I oppose any waiver to earmark these already severely cut accounts. Since 1994, the DFA has been cut by $200 million. The DFA account was earmarked to protect the poor people of Africa from something like this from occurring.
    Although there is no earmark for the African Development Fund, I just learned that the ADF or the African Development Bank was zeroed out last week, zero from the Senate, for fiscal year 1997, 1998.
    Initially, when the bill was in its infancy, we all determined that aid and trade could actually be complementary. So, Mr. Chairman, for the sake of fairness to these accounts and to make sure that these waivers are not done expeditiously, this amendment would allow Congress, along with the President, to determine how to best improve the conditions for the people of Africa.
    The flexibility phrase was too broad, so I ask that this be changed to improved conditions for the substitute language. There can and should not be any flexibility or changes when we talk about finding and funding very important programs like programs for starving children in Africa.
    So, Mr. Chairman, I would ask for the Committee to approve changing the flexibility clause into improved conditions.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Payne.
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    All in favor of the Payne amendment, signify in the usual manner.
    Opposed.
    The Payne amendment is carried.
    Are there any further amendments or comments?
    If not, the Chair will put the question on the amendment in the nature of a substitute as amended. Those in favor of the amendment in the nature of a substitute as amended, say aye.
    Opposed.
    The ayes appear to have it. The ayes have it, and the amendment in the nature of a substitute is carried.
    The gentleman from Nebraska is recognized to offer a motion. I ask the Members to stay. We need your vote on the final approval.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee report the bill, H.R. 1432, as amended, to the House, with the recommendation that the bill, as amended, be passed.
    Chairman GILMAN. The question is on the motion of the gentleman from Nebraska. Those in favor of the amendment, signify by saying aye.
    Those opposed, say no.
    The ayes appear to have it. The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to.
    The Chair announces the Committee intends to file its report expeditiously without objection. The Chief of Staff is authorized to make technical, conforming and grammatical amendments; and, without objection, the Chairman of the Committee is authorized to make motions under Rule 20 relevant to going to conference on the bill. The Chair notes the presence of a quorum.
    The Committee is adjourned. Thank you for being patient.
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    [Whereupon, at 5:34 p.m., the Committee was adjourned.]