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49–693 CC
1998
PREVIEW OF PRESIDENT CLINTON'S HISTORIC VISIT TO AFRICA

HEARING

BEFORE THE

SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED FIFTH CONGRESS

SECOND SESSION

MARCH 17, 1998

Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations

COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
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BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York, Chairman
WILLIAM GOODLING, Pennsylvania
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa
HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois
DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska
CHRISTOPHER SMITH, New Jersey
DAN BURTON, Indiana
ELTON GALLEGLY, California
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida
CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina
DANA ROHRABACHER, California
DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California
PETER T. KING, New York
JAY KIM, California
STEVEN J. CHABOT, Ohio
MARSHALL ''MARK'' SANFORD, South Carolina
MATT SALMON, Arizona
AMO HOUGHTON, New York
TOM CAMPBELL, California
JON FOX, Pennsylvania
JOHN McHUGH, New York
LINDSEY GRAHAM, South Carolina
ROY BLUNT, Missouri
KEVIN BRADY, Texas
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LEE HAMILTON, Indiana
SAM GEJDENSON, Connecticut
TOM LANTOS, California
HOWARD BERMAN, California
GARY ACKERMAN, New York
ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American Samoa
MATTHEW G. MARTINEZ, California
DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
ROBERT ANDREWS, New Jersey
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
CYNTHIA A. McKINNEY, Georgia
ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
PAT DANNER, Missouri
EARL HILLIARD, Alabama
BRAD SHERMAN, California
ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
STEVE ROTHMAN, New Jersey
BOB CLEMENT, Tennessee
BILL LUTHER, Minnesota
JIM DAVIS, Florida
RICHARD J. GARON, Chief of Staff
MICHAEL H. VAN DUSEN, Democratic Chief of Staff

Subcommittee on Africa
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EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman
AMO HOUGHTON, New York
STEVEN J. CHABOT, Ohio
MARSHALL ''MARK'' SANFORD, South Carolina
TOM CAMPBELL, California
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
JIM DAVIS, Florida
TOM SHEEHY, Staff Director
GREG SIMPKINS, Professional Staff Member
JODI CHRISTIANSEN, Democratic Professional Staff Member
SHANNON GAWRONSKI, Staff Associate
C O N T E N T S

WITNESSES

    Ms. Susan Rice, Assistant Secretary of State for Africa
APPENDIX
Prepared statement:
Ms. Susan Rice
PREVIEW OF PRESIDENT CLINTON'S HISTORIC VISIT TO AFRICA

TUESDAY, MARCH 17, 1998
House of Representatives,
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Subcommittee on Africa,
Committee on International Relations,
Washington, DC.
    The Subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:35 a.m. in room 2171, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Ed Royce (chairman of the Subcommittee) presiding.
    Chairman ROYCE. This hearing of the Africa Subcommittee will now come to order.
    I will mention to the Members that we will have joining us for part of this hearing Congressman Jim McDermott of Washington State, author of the African Growth and Opportunity Act. We are glad he can be with us.
    It is a pleasure to have with us today Assistant Secretary Rice. This is the first time, Secretary Rice, that you have appeared before the House Africa Subcommittee. On behalf of our Members, I would like to congratulate you on what is now a not-so-new position. You have shown a great deal of commitment and enthusiasm in the State Department, which has helped put a new and overdue focus on Africa. We look forward to continuing to work with you in the days ahead and wish you the best in your challenging position.
    Today, of course, we will not have a chance to discuss all of the issues we would like. However, this hearing should provide the Members of Congress present today an opportunity to discuss with you both the President's upcoming trip to Africa and other matters of concern to this Subcommittee.
    As most realize, this is an exciting time for U.S. relations with Africa. Africa is changing. Because of market reforms, we are beginning to see encouraging economic growth in Africa, about 5 percent last year; and if we look at some countries it is 10 percent growth per year.
    Also, we see a strengthening of democracy in many countries in Africa. As a result, the U.S. business community is showing a new interest. We have seen increases in exports by up to 20 percent per year. The President's trip will be an important opportunity to bring home to all Americans the message that there is reason for hope in Africa, that a new day has begun in many African countries, and that what happens in Africa matters to America.
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    It matters because an Africa that reaches its considerable potential offers a universe of business, cultural, and other opportunities. Likewise, a suffering Africa will impact this country with drug trafficking, terrorism, humanitarian concerns, and environmental degradation. Indeed, the stakes are high for the United States in Africa. The challenge for us is to address these issues in smart ways that are consistent with the national interests of our country.
    The U.S. Congress has just taken an important step in doing this. Last week the House passed the African Growth and Opportunity Act. This landmark legislation promises to fundamentally change our relations with many African states, moving away from a relationship of dependence and isolation to a relationship based on mutually beneficial trade. It does this by encouraging the types of growth-generating economic reforms that some African countries have already begun. This approach works for Africa, and it works for America.
    It is now very important that the Senate act. This is bipartisan legislation that is good for America. Here the Administration's strong support will be vital, as the African Growth and Opportunity Act should not be forgotten after the President's trip. The President's visit should be the beginning of a new era in U.S. relations with Africa, not the end. A failure to make this bill law would represent a setback in U.S. relations with many African countries.
    Regarding aid, the days of carte blanche access to U.S. aid is over, and rightly so. I think we all recognize that there will be some African Governments we just cannot do business with because of their lack of commitment to democracy, human rights, and free markets. I look forward to hearing the thoughts of the Administration on this, particularly concerning the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
    While we are in an era of new possibilities for Africa, it is important not to set Africa up for failure with unrealistic expectations. It is also important not to ignore the problem countries. Nigeria remains a great challenge, and I have been concerned by what appears to be a lack of Administration consensus on how to approach Nigeria in what is a pivotal year for this very important country.
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    Large parts of Africa cannot be healthy with an unhealthy Nigeria. Nearly everyone is troubled by the anemic Angolan peace process as well. This Subcommittee held a hearing 2 weeks ago on genocide-scarred central Africa. There are troubling developments there, including growing violence, and I am glad the President has added Rwanda to his stops.
    The temptation to focus on the African ''successes'' is understandable. A resolution commending the people of Botswana for their commitment to democracy, which I have sponsored and which enjoys the strong support of this Subcommittee, will be on the House floor today. However, none of us can afford to ignore the more challenging problems in Africa.
    Again, congratulations on your position, Assistant Secretary Rice. We will be flexible to allow Members of the Subcommittee maximum time to ask you questions. We look forward to your testimony.
    Before we proceed, I just want to recognize Members of the Subcommittee who are present. Our Ranking Minority Member is Mr. Robert Menendez from New Jersey. Also, we have with us Mr. Donald Payne of New Jersey, and Mr. Amo Houghton of New York, the panel's vice chairman.
    Do any members of the panel have any remarks at this point?
    Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, thank you. I want to thank you for having this hearing, and I want to also welcome Assistant Secretary Rice and congratulate her publicly, as I have privately, on her position.
    I want to say that I am very impressed with the manner in which you have operated in working with this Committee, certainly with myself, in your engagement and your open lines of communication. Having served 6 years on this Committee, it is refreshing, compared to some of your counterparts in other parts of the State Department, and to your credit and that of your staff, which is very, very capable and very cooperative in the context of information and exchange of ideas. So we are definitely starting on the right foot.
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    You have certainly come to the kinder, gentler Committee for your first appearance, because we do work in a bipartisan way on Africa, so it is a good opportunity for you to start here.
    Since you and I began serving on this Subcommittee last January, Mr. Chairman, there has been immense change on the African continent and in U.S. policy toward the continent. Africa has achieved an unprecedented, but much earned and needed, amount of attention from this Administration.
    The Clinton Administration is to be commended for their hands-on and proactive policy toward the continent. For the first time, the United States is looking at Africa as an opportunity, rather than a liability. For the first time, the mention of Africa is conjuring up images of investment opportunities rather than of crisis, famine and disease.
    The passage of the African Growth and Opportunity Act in the House last week, the visit of Secretary of State Albright earlier this year, and the President's forthcoming visit, signal the increasing importance of the African continent to the United States. This is only the second trip by an American President to Africa, and the only trip which encompasses a large portion of the continent.
    While the winds of change have swept through large portions of the continent and swept out many of Africa's notorious big men, democracy's future and stability remain tenuous in many African nations. The coup in Sierra Leone, the overthrow of the democratic government in the Republic of the Congo, the recent arrest of opposition leaders in Kinshasa, Congo, and elections which were only nominally democratic in countries like Liberia and Kenya, are cause for concern.
    As Africa embraces change and democracy, it is essential that a tradition of democracy be implemented in deeds, not solely called upon by name. I believe we need to redouble our efforts to sustain and promote democracy on the continent. I am pleased that one of the themes of the President's trip is to promote pluralistic democratic traditions. By visiting mostly democratic nations, Botswana, Ghana, Senegal and South Africa, he rewards those countries for their democratic traditions and sends a message to other nations about the value the United States places on democracy.
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    Last, while this Congress has largely focused on increasing trade with Africa—and certainly as one of the cosponsors and managing some of the time on the bill last week on the floor, I am very, very supportive of the act and do hope the Senate moves to act swiftly on it—I believe that aid still remains part of the agenda, and an important part. In many cases, in those countries in which trade in and of itself cannot provide the foundation to move forward, aid can lay the groundwork for a stable democracy and a stable economy.
    When Africans are well-fed and employed, when they are able to harness their nations' natural resources, when the rate of infection for AIDS is sufficiently slowed, when African children have access to education and the possibility of a bright future, the opportunity for stability and good governance increase dramatically. Africa has tremendous potential. It seems to me if we continue to focus our programs, that we can tell the American people that the return on their dollar keeps increasing, and that certainly is good for Americans, but also peace, stability, economic opportunity, better health and democracy is good for Africans, as it is good for Americans.
    That is ultimately what I believe our foreign policy is all about. I look forward to listening to the Secretary's testimony.
    Chairman ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Menendez.
    Mr. Payne.
    Mr. PAYNE. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Let me applaud you for calling this very important hearing on the eve of the President's historic visit to Africa. I would like to certainly associate myself with the remarks that you and the Ranking Member, Mr. Menendez, have made.
    I think we have been asking the President to visit Africa ever since his election, and we are certainly pleased that it is now coming to fruition. As has been already mentioned, other than President Carter, he will be the first President to visit the continent to collaborate with this new partnership, and I think that that is very important. Also, the President's mention of Africa in his State of the Union address on January 27 of this year was the first time that a President has mentioned Africa, in particular in a positive light.
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    For the record, let me say I am honored to have been asked to join with my colleagues and other persons in the delegation and look forward to this visit.
    I think that the new African alliance, the new leaders, the Meles's, the Sais's, the Buzumgi's, the Museveni's and the Mbeki's, are certainly a wave of the future. Transparency, anticorruption, governance, education are areas that these new leaders are talking about.
    Let me certainly commend Assistant Secretary Rice, who personally has become involved in many of the problems on the continent but has come up with solutions to them, for example, her strong support for the ACRI (the African Crisis Response Initiative). I must also admit I have not always agreed with our Secretary of State at this time, but I must commend her for her recent trip to the continent and the partnership approach that she took, admitting that perhaps we did not handle situations in the past as well as could be expected, but look forward to a new partnership in the future.
    I can remember when this Subcommittee demanded answers to the Khartoum Government's blatant abuse of power. The people of Sudan are routinely terrorized by the NIF regime. One million southern Sudanese deaths over the past decade, execution of political dissidents, and thousands of slaves branded like cattle to show ownership, combined with the capture of some 3,000 children by the LRA, aided by the al-Bashir Government, did not go unheeded.
    My friends will note it is not too often, as I have indicated, that I have agreed with the Administration, but I certainly would like to congratulate the affirmative action taken by the Assistant Secretary, Ms. Rice, to place an executive order of sanctions on Sudan in November of last year. This is, I believe, a step in the right direction.
    I would be remiss, though, if I did not say something about Nigeria. I think by now we all know that Mr. Abacha has proclaimed himself ''leader for life.'' This concerns me for many reasons. He continues to imprison Chief Abiola and Chief Obsanjo and others. I hope when the Pope visits Nigeria, that he can impress upon Mr. Abacha to release political prisoners as the Pope did in Cuba.
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    I see very little prospect of a stabilized West Africa until we really have democracy taking hold in Nigeria. The United Nations charter clearly promulgates that no enforcement action shall be taken under regional initiatives without the authorization of the Security Council. Bringing regional states back into the community of West African nations is welcome, but not at the expense of siphoning off its wealth and resources to a country that has also committed egregious abuses of human rights and has a lack of respect for the rule of law.
    Although a unilateral economic embargo may not be the desired solution at this time, the Administration should be open to doing the minimal to move the country forward. Although Nigeria is not on President's Clinton's good will tour in March, many people in the international community would like our government to at least formulate a U.S. policy before the scheduled trip.
    Just recently we saw the crisis in Kosovo take a spiral down. But we were interested in the attention given by first-page stories in the Post about 84 people who were killed in that crisis area, Kosovo. But when the Rwandan crisis hit, it took months and months before it came to the first page. When we have close to 500,000 to 1 million people who were killed, it took too long for there to be a response.
    But to see the response for the 84 people that had been killed in Kosovo, which there should be no people killed, but the reaction has to change as it relates to travesties and tragedies in Africa, as it does in other parts of the world. As I have indicated before, when things got difficult in Bosnia, we sent in more U.N. troops, and now we have a stable situation. When things got difficult in Rwanda, we asked the United Nations to remove its troops. We must deal with the continent and its crisis the same way that we deal with crises anywhere in the world.
    Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I yield back the balance of my time.
    Chairman ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Payne. We have one witness today, Assistant Secretary of State for Africa Susan Rice. Assistant Secretary Rice comes to the State Department from the National Security Council, where she served as Senior Director for African Affairs. Previously, Dr. Rice served as the NSC's Director for International Organization Affairs and Peacekeeping in the agency's Office of Global Affairs.
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    After receiving her master's and doctoral degrees in international relations at Oxford University, yet prior to her government service, the Assistant Secretary was a management consultant for Mackenzie and Company in Toronto.
    Assistant Secretary Rice.
STATEMENT OF SUSAN RICE, ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR AFRICA

    Ms. RICE. Mr. Chairman, Members of the Subcommittee, thank you very much for those very kind remarks. I appreciate them; they are very encouraging.
    With your permission, I would like to summarize my testimony and submit the entire copy for the record.
    It really is a pleasure to be here today before this Subcommittee to address the question of the Administration's policy toward Africa. This is an exhilarating time to be engaged in U.S.-Africa policy. From both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue, Africa is receiving unprecedented attention.
    We have been especially pleased to have worked hand-in-hand with Members of Congress and this Subcommittee to forge a new, proactive and forward-looking trade relationship with Africa. The African Growth and Opportunity Act is key to transforming the way we do business with our emerging African trading partners. It will place Africa, finally, on an economic growth freeway, a path that Asia took earlier this century. We are very pleased that the House passed this bill last week, and I would like to thank especially Chairman Royce and Congressman Menendez for their outstanding leadership in achieving House passage of this historic legislation, and others on this Subcommittee for their very strong support.
    I see that Congressman McDermott has had to step out, but obviously his leadership in this regard has been exemplary, and I want to commend him for that as well.
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    The Administration is strongly committed to working with Congress to see that this legislation is enacted, and we hope the Senate will move to enact the legislation without delay.
    Let me say there are many bright spots on Africa's horizon. Economic growth is on the upswing. In fact, growth outstripped population in 31 Sub-Saharan countries in 1996, and annual GDP growth in Africa last year averaged almost 5 percent.
    Throughout Africa, economic development is being matched by signs of political reform and increased stability. The change that has swept the continent since the end of the cold war has fundamentally altered Africa's social and political landscape. As a consequence, we in the United States must adapt our approach to forge a new engagement with Africa, a partnership for the 21st century. In the spirit of partnership, we must pursue our common interests, and in the spirit of mutual respect, we must differ as we will.
    While only African leaders and African people can realize their vast potential, a genuine partnership dictates that America must play a pivotal role in the continent's future. To this end, the United States is pursuing two overarching policy goals in Africa.
    First, we must accelerate Africa's full integration into the global economy. Through President Clinton's Partnership for Economic Growth and Opportunity and the African Growth and Opportunity Act, we are committed to helping countries that undertake vigorous economic reforms to reap the additional benefits of increased access to U.S. markets.
    Promoting democracy and respect for human rights is key to bringing African nations to the global economic table in the century to come. While Africa's democratic march has been neither linear nor monolithic, it has registered real progress. In 1989, there were only five African countries that could be described as democracies. Today approximately 25 African states now enjoy a democratic form of government.
    We can be proud of U.S. efforts to advance democracy in Africa. With Congress' support, in 46 countries we have provided $400 million since 1989 to spark reform through the ballot box and then to consolidate, institutionalize and sustain these democratic advances.
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    As part of our strong democratization efforts, we have also promoted legal reform, improved justice systems, and increased citizens' access to legal counsel and due process. The United States has strongly supported the International War Crimes Tribunal for Rwanda and international field monitors in Rwanda and Burundi.
    Diplomatically, we have put the promotion of democracy and respect for human rights at the very top of our public and private agendas with our African partners. In Uganda, we have urged genuine political pluralism and systems that incorporate a wider spectrum of political beliefs. In Kenya, we have pressed repeatedly for an inclusive process of constitutional reform to correct shortcomings in the country's democratic framework. The United States also has made plain to Zambia's leaders that political detainees, including Kenneth Kaunda, must be swiftly tried in a fair and open process or released. We also have called for lifting of the state of emergency in that country.
    Many African countries are on a path to participatory democracy. However, some are on a rocky one, and there have been significant setbacks along this route. Realizing that achieving full freedom is in fact a continuous process, we must stay actively engaged even in flawed, imperfect democracies. Countries struggling against long odds to restore peace, stability and prosperity after years of repression need and deserve our encouragement for even small steps in the right direction. Wherever possible, we should keep the lines of communication open to press for genuine and sustainable democracy.
    In central Africa especially, war, genocide, political and economic disarray have destroyed social cohesion, weakened the rule of law, and led to massive human rights abuses. The Democratic Republic of Congo will continue to suffer from the effects of armed conflict and decades of internal repression for years to come. The United States remains deeply concerned by President Kabila's detention of opposition leader Etienne Tshisekedi, the detention and harassment of journalists, and the trial of civilians before military tribunals in the Congo.
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    Yet while the record of the Congolese Government is often mixed and sometimes worrisome, the huge centrally located African nation is crucial to regional security. We must continue to engage the Congolese people who suffered so much under Mobutu and encourage a successful transition to a post-Mobutu era, an era in which respect for human rights, democracy and prosperity are assured.
    We will also continue to press hard and loudly for a full accounting of human rights violations in the Congo and the rest of the Great Lakes region. We must nurture latent democratic processes, promote economic growth, and foster reconciliation throughout this critical part of Africa.
    But where repression is endemic, it must be met with a sure and tough response. Late last year we imposed sweeping new economic sanctions against the Government of Sudan because of its continued support for international terrorism and its human rights abuses, including slavery and religious persecution.
    In Nigeria, we are holding General Abacha to his promise to undertake a genuine transition to civilian rule this year. Victory by a military candidate in the forthcoming Presidential elections would be unacceptable. The Nigerian people need and deserve a real transition to democracy.
    Throughout Africa, the Administration is complementing its hands-on support for democracy and respect for human rights with help to African countries to prevent, resolve and recover from conflict. We have provided more than $90 million to the west African peacekeeping force, ECOMOG, in order to bring peace to Liberia, and we are the largest investor in developing the OAU's Conflict Management Center.
    As you know, the Clinton Administration has also launched ACRI to enhance the capacity of African nations to respond to humanitarian crisis and peacekeeping challenges. We remain committed to working with our African partners in implementing fully the ACRI over the next several years and to finding innovative new ways to support African efforts to resolve remaining conflicts.
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    The second of the Administration's two overarching policy goals in Africa is protecting the United States and our citizens from threats to our national security that emanate from that continent just as they do from the rest of the world. Weapons proliferation, state-sponsored terrorism, narcotics flows, the growing influence of rogue states such as Libya and Iran, international crime, environmental degradation and disease are among these threats. For too long we have paid too little attention to these threats in Africa. We intend to change that.
    Finally, let me say that the Clinton Administration is committed to making the U.S.-Africa partnership flourish. On Sunday, President Clinton will embark on an historic six-nation mission to the continent, visiting Ghana, Uganda, Rwanda, South Africa, Botswana and Senegal. At the top of his agenda will be promoting partnership with Africa for the 21st century, a partnership founded on a common commitment to democratic principles and universal respect for human rights, on economic growth and mutual security.
    The President will stress that ultimately Africans must determine their own destiny, but the United States cannot afford to be a passive bystander in their struggles, achievements and regressions. We need to create policies that support a level playing field based on partnership, not paternalism, democracy, not demagoguery, trade as well as aid, and future profits rather than past prejudices.
    We also must realize that while democracy may spark and a fire ensue, change does not happen overnight. Indeed, as our own American Civil Liberties Union noted in the mid-1950's, ''Liberty is always unfinished business.'' We must continue to stay closely engaged with Africans as they approach the 21st century, some retaining slowly healing scars from volatile transitions or years of repression. The evolving relationship is crucial to all Americans, their children and their children's children.
    I look forward to working closely with this Subcommittee during my tenure at the State Department. I will welcome your keen interest and your sage advice at each stage of crafting and implementing our Africa policy.
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    Thank you very much.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Rice appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman ROYCE. Thank you, Secretary Rice. Thank you very much for that very important testimony to the Committee.
    If I could start by asking you, if you would, describe President Clinton's Partnership for Economic Growth and Opportunity Act. Specifically, what is in the African Growth and Opportunity Act that is not part of the President's trade and investment program?
    Ms. RICE. The primary feature of the African Growth and Opportunity Act is enhanced market access to African products coming into the U.S. market. That is a crucial part of the President's partnership. The President's partnership goes beyond that, but is fully consistent with the theory and the goals of the legislation.
    What the President's partnership does is bring to bear other resources within the U.S. Government aimed at supporting those countries that are undertaking significant economic reforms. There are a range of new opportunities that would be available to all African countries that are eligible for the GSP program, which is the vast majority of those in Sub-Saharan Africa, and those include the OPIC funds, the $500-million investment fund, the $100-million equity investment fund, and other steps that would be available continent-wide. The President's appointment of an Assistant Trade Representative for Africa was certainly recommended in the bill, and that has been implemented, as have other steps to improve the U.S. Government's ability to respond to the opportunity that Africa presents in trade and business.
    Beyond the legislation, as well, for those countries that are embarked on the most significant reforms there are additional benefits that the Administration hopes to marshal. They include bilateral concessional debt relief for those countries embarked on reforms. The President's fiscal year 1999 budget request contains $35 million for that purpose. We are also proposing to provide increased technical assistance to the countries undertaking those reforms to help them take advantage of those market opportunities, as well as to create an enabling environment that is conducive to increased trade and investment.
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    There are a range of items along those lines that are contained within the President's partnership, that go beyond the parameters of the legislation but are fully consistent with its direction and its purpose.
    Chairman ROYCE. Do you agree that failure to enact the Growth and Opportunity Act would be a setback for our relations with Sub-Saharan Africa?
    Ms. RICE. Absolutely.
    Chairman ROYCE. I wanted to raise a couple of concerns since the President will be meeting in South Africa with President Mandela. South Africa and the United States seem to have a mercurial relationship in which we often act as allies on African issues such as the transition in the former Zaire where we worked together, but then we clash over other issues such as Libya sanctions.
    How do you assess U.S.-South Africa relations at this point?
    Ms. RICE. Mr. Chairman, I would say our relationship with South Africa is excellent at the moment and is steadily improving. As in any maturing relationship, there will be issues upon which we differ. There are a handful of such issues, but they are certainly fewer now than in the past. One of the most gratifying things about this maturing relationship is we have proved we are able to work together to resolve difficult issues in our mutual interests.
    Chairman ROYCE. Let me address an issue which Mr. Menendez and I raised in our meetings in South Africa last year. South Africa recently enacted a new law, the Medicines and Related Substances Control Act. This allows the Minister of Health to violate pharmaceutical patents at ministerial discretion. However, the new law actually violates South Africa's World Trade Organization obligations. This is of considerable concern to us in the United States.
    Are you advising President Clinton to raise this issue during next week's trip?
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    Ms. RICE. Mr. Chairman, as you know, we too in the Administration have been concerned about the pharmaceuticals legislation and we made plain that concern to the South African Government. The legislation passed, and I think it is important that we note that we do understand the rationale behind the legislation, which was to try to bring more affordable medicines to disadvantaged segments of the South African population. That is a goal that we obviously support.
    We are concerned about the means in achieving that goal; we have stressed that concern in a variety of fora. It is a subject of continuing discussion between our USTR and the South African Government. It was discussed in some detail in a teleconference just last week. I expect that it will be raised during the course of the President's visit, whether by the President himself or by Secretary Daley, who will have a discussion with his South African counterpart. I cannot say for sure. But it is one of the several issues that we continue to talk to the South Africans about.
    Chairman ROYCE. Thank you. Another question I was going to ask. When our delegation visited Africa last year, we had an opportunity to meet with Mr. Kabila. President Kabila, at the time, indicated to us that he would make a commitment to hold elections in the future. Since that time, he has backed away from his commitment to hold elections in May 1999, citing the lack of stability. Additionally, he criticized foreign governments for pressuring the Democratic Republic of Congo to hold elections.
    Is the holding of elections by May 1999 a benchmark that our government has established? I also wanted to ask about the opposing figure, Mr. Tshisekedi. We spoke to Mr. Tshisekedi by phone when we were in Kinshasa. How does the United States view the way in which the government has treated him? He is under house arrest? What is your opinion in this matter?
    Ms. RICE. Mr. Chairman, let me answer that question by putting your question in a larger context.
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    We are obviously very concerned about some of the recent developments in the Congo, as I indicated in my testimony. Having said that, we remain focused on our overarching interests in the Congo. This is a vast nation in the heart of central Africa, bordering nine other countries. Its future is essential to the fate of much of the rest of central and southern Africa, and so, despite our concerns and frustrations, we cannot afford to be ambivalent about its future.
    Mobutu is gone, and for better or worse, there is now an opportunity for Congo to take a different course. It could get itself together and realize its tremendous human and economic potential, or, frankly, it could degenerate into future conflict, generating mass refugee flows and a degree of chaos in the heart of central Africa that would be extraordinarily destabilizing.
    Our interest is in trying to intersect with this window of opportunity in a constructive fashion that will increase the chances for Congo to succeed. We will do that to the greatest extent possible working within the Congo, with those who are forces for change in civil society, in the NGO sector and, to the extent possible, in the government. We do not expect this is going to be a smooth or easy path but we have no choice but to do our best.
    Returning to your specific questions, we have made it very plain to the Congolese Government that we hope and expect it to do several things with respect to democracy and human rights. We have urged repeatedly the lifting of the ban on political party activity. We think it is important that the Congo hold near-term elections. The people of the Congo have waited more than a generation for the opportunity to freely choose their government. Yet we understand that there are vast complexities in that country and that, for elections to be meaningful, the foundation has to be laid.
    So we will continue to encourage President Kabila to adhere to his own timetable for democratic elections and, most importantly, in the meantime, to create an enabling environment where political activity can flourish, press freedom is respected, and individuals are free to express their political views without detention.
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    We are very concerned about what has happened to opposition leader Tshisekedi. Secretary Albright has protested his detention directly to President Kabila in the last several weeks, and we have in public and private made it very plain we think this is no way to set a country on the path to democracy and treat a legitimate opposition leader.
    Chairman ROYCE. On another issue, Mr. Menendez, other Members of this Committee and I had an opportunity last year to meet with both sides in the civil war in Angola, and to press Dr. Savimbi to come to the table. We went out to the bush, met with him, and made a certain amount of headway, I think. However, one issue still outstanding is security for Dr. Jonas Savimbi when he returns to Rwanda.
    How great a threat to his safety does the Administration perceive at present? What can be done to eliminate any threat to Savimbi's security? We have made it clear to the Government of Angola that if anything happens to the returning UNITA leadership, the international community will hold the government responsible.
    We have done our part. We have met with both sides and pressed them to the table. But we still have these security concerns. I would just like your response to that.
    Ms. RICE. Let me say, Mr. Chairman, that we remain very committed to the successful conclusion of the Angolan peace process. In your opening statement, you called the process ''anemic.'' That is probably a pretty good characterization. It is anemic, but it is not without progress. It continues to move forward in a halting fashion. We will apply all of our influence to both sides to see that it comes to a successful conclusion.
    In the last several days, there has been some progress: the promulgation of a new timetable that is actually being implemented, the extension of state administration, the appointment by the government of UNITA Governors and vice Governors, the declaration that UNITA is free to pursue its activities as a legitimate political party. But yet, as UNITA has protested, there has not yet been the promulgation of Dr. Savimbi's special status. That is related to the issue you raised about his security.
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    My understanding is that the parties are still in discussions, albeit discussions that are moving forward about the number and the status of Savimbi's bodyguard. That is something that we look to the government and UNITA to resolve. But obviously we would insist that both sides do nothing through the use of force or violence that would destabilize the peace process. We have and we will continue to make very plain to the government, as well as UNITA, their responsibilities in that regard. And when it comes to Dr. Savimbi's security, we think it is time for him to come to Luanda. But it is obviously absolutely incumbent upon the government to ensure his security.
    Chairman ROYCE. Thank you for your straightforward answers to my questions. I would like to recognize Mr. Chabot of Ohio who has joined us and then turn to Mr. Menendez, the Ranking Minority Member, for his questions.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Madam Secretary, let me follow up with some of the same concerns that I have that the Chairman expressed, and I just want to follow up on some of the answers you gave.
    First of all, with reference to South Africa's pharmaceutical act, we also join in their concern and what their goals are in terms of providing for the South African people greater access to lower priced pharmaceutical goods. But what I am concerned about is that the message that South Africa sends through this legislation goes far beyond the pharmaceutical industry, because in our minds it clearly violates certain intellectual property rights and violates South Africa's international WTO obligations.
    In doing so it sends a message to all those who would invest and who we want to see invest in South Africa's social policy; however, desirable as it is, it is going to be determined to be of such a priority to the government that they are willing to violate their international obligations. That is a very dangerous precedent in terms of investment in South Africa.
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    So, while I heard your response as it relates to the possibility of either Secretary Daley or maybe the President raising this, my concern is, what are we doing in following up? If there is enactment, are we ready to pursue a case in the WTO, should there be no resolution between our respective countries on this issue?
    Ms. RICE. Mr. Menendez, to my knowledge, that decision has not been made. I think we are still very much in the process of trying to see if there is not a common ground that might yet be found with the South Africans. If that is not possible, and it may not be, those at USTR who will make the decisions about how to proceed with respect to the WTO, in consultation with the others in the government, will weigh the pros and cons of that. We are certainly happy to stay in close touch with you and keep you apprised of that as it unfolds.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. Certainly, as I told Ambassador Sonn when he visited me, I think last week, I would love to see a resolution between our respective countries, but if there is not one, since we are both mature democracies, I would assume that the USTR will look to the State Department for a recommendation or a part of the process. I certainly hope not only for our own interests, the national interests of the United States in terms of protecting the intellectual property rights of its companies and its investments abroad, but also I think in the long term for South Africa's interests in terms of being an attractive place to make investments. Because investments will not take place if people believe that in the final analysis legislation can be passed that will, in essence, not only infringe upon but basically do away with that.
    I want you to know we are going to be following this very carefully. I know we have communicated with you before, but this is of real concern, and there is a window of opportunity that hopefully will be availed of. But there is a point in time in which, if in fact we don't come to a resolution, we will be seeking for the Administration to pursue a WTO challenge.
    I want to follow up with reference to Angola, as well. You know, I listened to you as you said we will work to influence both sides in the context of moving them along, the Lusaka protocols, but I think it is more than just a question of Dr. Savimbi's safety, which is clearly of concern. And clearly when we went to visit him, that was a real issue as we were pressuring him to go to Luanda, and we do believe he should go.
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    But by the same token, it seems to me that we are not doing very much to suggest to the government that both actions were supposed to take place simultaneously, recognize UNITA as a political party and promulgate the status of Dr. Savimbi as a leader of the country's major opposition party. According to the timetable, recognized by the joint commission, both actions were to take place simultaneously.
    Having spoken to some of the UNITA people, they believe that the tactic is designed by the government to fracture and weaken UNITA. What are we doing to tell the government? As much as we have clearly sanctioned UNITA, I am always worried about our responses to the Angolan Government. I was worried about our response when they invaded the Republic of Congo last fall, and now I am concerned about our responses being really evenhanded.
    Ms. RICE. Let me be very clear. We are being quite plain with the government on those occasions when we feel that the government is either failing to live up to its obligations or taking actions that may threaten the peace process.
    Our value in this peace process, as one of the guarantors of the Lusaka protocols, is to maintain our balance and our perspective. I think we have done a good job at that. I think we are still understood by both sides to be an honest broker. We have not taken sides. The only side we are on is the side of the successful completion of the peace process.
    To answer your specific question about the promulgation of the special status and the legalization of UNITA at the same time, that was our understanding of what was to happen, we have been very candid with the government, almost daily, since this happened last week that these two are linked. I am actually rather hopeful that that will happen very soon.
    In the meantime, we would continue to urge both sides, each of which have some unfulfilled obligations, to get on about the business of fulfilling those obligations. But do not have any doubt that we have made very clear to the government its responsibility.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. I hope we don't wait an inordinately long time for it to happen, because then it would seem to me we have made some very serious actions toward UNITA. I don't see what actions we have taken to the Angolan Government in response to their violations of the agreement. So I hope it doesn't take an enormously long time to accomplish the recognition status.
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    The final question in this regard is, we have the U.N. sanctions on UNITA. Isn't it incongruous for the United Nations to maintain sanctions on UNITA, when now Angola has recognized UNITA as a legitimate political party able to operate within Angola?
    Ms. RICE. The U.N. Security Council resolution that imposed sanctions on UNITA specified steps for UNITA to do for the sanctions to be lifted. Every subsequent resolution has signalled that as soon as those steps are fulfilled, the sanctions would be lifted.
    We in the United States have pledged to lead the charge in the Security Council to lift sanctions when that time is right. We continue to watch very carefully UNITA's progress in meeting the steps laid out in the Security Council resolution. Some have been met; others remain to be met.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. What is left, Madam Secretary?
    Ms. RICE. We look to the finalization of the process of state administration and the extension of state administration as specified in the resolution. That has proceeded but is not complete. The hate radio broadcasts, while diminished, remain a problem. That is also something in the resolution. Then there is, of course, the demilitarization of UNITA; given the declaration this past week, I think we can consider fulfilled, even though there are some indications that UNITA forces remain outside the peace process.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. We will be watching. One more question, if I may.
    With reference to the possibility of a waiver for the Congo, can you tell me is there a timeframe for the Administration and have you formulated what conditions would be—well, first of all, are there conditions—I assume there are—and, if so, what are the conditions, framework of conditions, that would be sought in the context of coming to the Congress and seeking a waiver?
    Ms. RICE. Well, let me say several things in response to that question.
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    Secretary Albright indicated during her December trip to Africa that it was our desire to work with Congress to try to make available a bilateral assistance package of some $35 to $40 million as well as a $10-million contribution to the World Bank Trust Fund. It is still our intention to work with Congress to make that happen.
    We look forward to consulting with you and your staffers about the nature of that assistance package because we think how it is crafted is very important. The bulk of that assistance will be provided to nongovernmental organizations, international organizations and others at the local level who do not bear a direct relationship to the Government of the Congo.
    At this point, we anticipate a small portion of the package might be provided in the form of technical very targeted assistance, to those ministries of the government that are functioning well, that have strong leadership, and that are on the path to achieving progress.
    We are particularly interested in trying to continue our work in the health sector and also, if possible, in the justice and finance sectors. But that is a small portion of the package, and that is the portion upon which we need to have a dialog and an understanding about how to proceed. That is the portion that is subject to legislative restrictions.
    I look forward to doing those consultations in the near term following the President's trip to Africa. I think that it is important that we work together and figure out the best way to proceed. As you know, there are only two options. One is legislative relief which is slow and uncertain, and the other is a waiver which we understand is a very sensitive tool for the Administration to use.
    We would like to talk to you and come to some understanding about what the best method is to proceed and to be sure that we are of a like mind with respect to the nature of the package. We do not see any reason at this stage to hold up assistance through nongovernmental entities and those that will benefit directly the people of the Congo.
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    We have already proceeded with a very valuable vaccination program, using fiscal 1998 funds that reached hundreds of thousands of young people in the Congo, and those sorts of programs which represent the bulk of our efforts should and will proceed.
    The difficult part is that which relates to direct assistance to the government, and there our primary criteria will be whether we are in a position to provide targeted assistance that we believe will benefit the people of Congo and that we have partners to work with in the Congolese Government that are responsible and are pursuing policies that we have no difficulty with.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. Thank you.
    Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Amo Houghton of New York is this Subcommittee's vice chairman and we will now go to his questioning.
    Mr. HOUGHTON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Madam Secretary, good to have you here.
    I would like to just take a little different approach here. I would like to assume that I am the head of a country in Africa, or I am in charge of the Treasury or in charge of economic development, and I am going to be looking at Mr. Clinton for certain things. I mean, it is nice to have him here, it is nice to have him make the gesture, but aside from the political, I am going to hope that somehow President Clinton will help me produce more investment and more jobs.
    Is that right?
    Ms. RICE. It is a reasonable assumption; yes, sir.
    Mr. HOUGHTON. Well, all right. If that is the case, I just have a few other comments and I hope that there is not going to be a lot of fanfare and not too much substance.
    The amount of money which the U.S. Government is putting into Africa amounts in this new bill to about a dollar a person; not very much. And when you take a look at the opening of the market for textiles, when the bill goes through, it will be about 50 cents a person. So, what do I look for in terms of what President Clinton can do for me?
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    Now I am going to partially answer this question. Then I would like to ask you how you would answer it. I think the thing that the President can do is not have another Marshall Plan, which in today's equivalent would be $70 million, because we don't have that money, but it would be trying to excite private investment to go in there.
    Now, when people come into my office, I am going to ask them what are the specifics, what are your tax rates, what is the schooling, why should I invest there rather than some other place?
    I wonder whether when the trip is over, we come back, whether there will be some sort of specific private investment vehicle and follow-through which will be of help to those nations.
    Ms. RICE. Sir, let me begin by saying that I would respond to that President or that Minister by saying that the question is not simply what can the United States do for you, it is what can we do for each other and what can we do together in our mutual interests.
    And I think the good news is that most African leaders would take that point and see it as a constructive one and one that is in keeping with their own aspirations.
    Clearly, the United States is not going to land in Africa with billions and billions of new dollars to throw around the continent. Again, I think an encouraging sign is that is not what our African partners are asking us to do.
    As the President has made very plain, we see the future in Africa as being largely in the realm of trade and investment. For sustainable economic growth to occur, it needs to be the product of responsible economic reforms of continued investment in human capital, which also entails continued development assistance and increasingly in trade and investment.
    There will be some fanfare on this trip but there will also be, I promise you, a lot of substance, and I am confident that when President Clinton returns, in two ways we will be in a position to do more with respect to trade and investment. The first way is by having shown the American public, in an unprecedented fashion, that Africa is not a backwater, it is not a jungle, it is not bodies floating down rivers. Rather, it is a vast and diverse continent where people are doing their very best to achieve their potential, and where there are exciting opportunities for American investment.
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    And second, President Clinton and all of his economic team remain very much committed to implementing his partnership for economic growth and opportunity and seeing the passage of this legislation occur. A key portion of that obviously is attracting American business to Africa. Secretary Daley has already committed to lead an important trade mission to Africa following the President's trip, and that will also further American private sector interests in the Congo.
    Mr. HOUGHTON. OK. But I am a hardheaded businessman and I say, why should I invest in Botswana, why should I invest in Zambia when I can more easily invest in Singapore or Germany? What is the reason? You see, to me, what the African nations that I have been dealing with are interested in is in that private investment, and the President will give all the right signals. The question is really the follow up, and maybe Secretary Daley's trip is going to be the answer to it.
    Ms. RICE. It is an answer, yes.
    Mr. HOUGHTON. But so far there has not been a very good answer, and I am concerned for our President going over there because he is making this monumental trip, and he is going to be sending certain signals that have to be followed up on. And in the final analysis, it is the amount of jobs or investments that go over there rather than any of the political issues I am sure you will be talking about.
    Ms. RICE. Let me just simply say that the answer to the question why invest in Africa, needs to emanate in the first instance by the Africans themselves. The African Governments have an obligation to create an enabling environment that is attractive to investment, just as countries around the world do. The good news is that a number of them are well on the way to doing that. And so the American investor needs to be knowledgeable about the environment in Africa and selective in his or her investments. But there are many good reasons for pursuing such investments. The rate of return on U.S. investment in Africa is some three times higher than the average rate of return elsewhere in the world.
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    Mr. HOUGHTON. What figure is that? Is that a continental figure, average?
    Ms. RICE. Yes, it is return on book value investment. Yes.
    Mr. HOUGHTON. Really?
    Ms. RICE. Yes.
    Now, that is partly a product of the risk associated with investment in Africa, but it is a surprising statistic and I think it is a significant one.
    The other thing that needs to be said, when you look at it from a macro perspective, is that the sub-Saharan African market is a market of approximately 700 million people, it is a largely untapped market. As we continue to be an export-driven economy, we need to be looking at opportunities for future purchasers of American goods and services. The United States at present only accounts for some 7 percent of imports to sub-Saharan Africa. That is still almost 25 percent more than our exports to all of the former Soviet Union combined. If we can grow the African market with Africans and/or if we can increase our share of the African market, there are significant opportunities for American investors and American workers.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. Would the gentleman yield briefly?
    I saw your interest was piqued.
    Mr. HOUGHTON. I would like to see something specific, something concrete, something practical, something that involves money and hope and that requires a different approach. It does not require a governmental approach, the government could be the vehicle. But it requires some sort of interest so that private investors not only in the United States, but in Europe and others, can say boy, that is the place I have got to go. And somehow that is something I think we have got to unscramble.
    Thank you very much.
    Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Payne.
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    Mr. PAYNE. Thank you.
    I guess you don't get any tougher questioning from a tough businessman than my colleague from New York, and I am going to follow his lead when he is convinced.
    Let me ask, there were some opponents to the bill, notably Mr. Robinson and Mr. Nader and the Reverend Jackson. Could you mention what their main concerns were with the legislation and what is your answer to their concerns?
    Ms. RICE. Congressman, let me just begin by saying I am not aware that Reverend Jackson opposed the legislation. I know his son opposed the legislation, but that may not be the same thing. Just to clarify.
    Those that have expressed concerns about the legislation, as I understand it, have been focused on several things, some of which strike me as points on which responsible folks may differ and others strike me as misunderstandings of what is in the legislation. Some have argued that the legislation would actually take away benefits that already accrue to countries today and they would not have those benefits if for some reason they were not pursuing sort of bold economic reforms that the bill and the President's partnership seek to promote. That is simply false. And those of us who understand what is in the legislation just need to be very plain in explaining what it does do and what it doesn't do.
    Others, I understand, are concerned about the conditionality aspects of the legislation, the fact that some of these additional benefits will only be available to those that are pursuing bold economic reforms, and to them I would say that the President's economic partnership, as I explained at the outset, entails additional benefits to all GSP-eligible African countries. There is something in there for almost everybody.
    Having said that, the theory of the legislation and the theory of the President's partnership is that bold economic reforms in themselves will be the best engine to achieve sustainable economic growth and development over the long term in Africa, just as has been proved the case in Latin America and Asia.
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    Now, obviously, it is very difficult to implement those kinds of reforms. It can be politically costly, it can be socially disruptive, particularly in impoverished countries. The theory of the legislation and the theory of the partnership is that we ought to provide additional assistance to those countries that have boldly decided to go down a path that is obviously in their own interests. But if we can ease that path that they have already decided to walk down, and make their success come a little bit sooner by increased access to the U.S. market or by a range of other benefits like debt relief or increased assistance from the multilateral development organizations, then we ought to do it. And I find that a very difficult concept with which to differ.
    Let me just say in conclusion that others have argued that the Africans themselves don't want this legislation. And I find that the most puzzling argument of all, for as you all know who walked into the House Chamber, the African ambassadors were outside the Chamber urging you to vote yes. Never in my memory has there been a clearer, more consistent expression of interest and support in legislation from the vast majority of African countries as there has been in this instance. Frankly, with due respect to those who differ, puzzled by their implicit position which is that they know better than our African partners what is in Africa's interest.
    Mr. PAYNE. Thank you very much. I couldn't agree with you more.
    And let me just ask a couple of real quick questions regarding some regional problems. As you know, there are still a number of refugees from Liberia and Guinea having a tough time. Has the UNHCR concentrated on repatriation in that whole region? As you may recall, at one point there were perhaps 3 million up to 7 million Liberians out in the country. Is there anything specifically we are urging from our refugee office to the UNHCR regarding that situation?
    Ms. RICE. Sir, I understand that we are doing two things in this regard. One is we believe that UNHCR has put forward an appeal to support those Sierra Leone refugees that are in Guinea and elsewhere, and we hope to be supportive of that appeal as we typically are with UNHCR appeals in Africa.
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    We are, in addition, on a bilateral basis, providing a small amount of additional assistance; I believe it is in the range of $3 million, to help Guinea deal with the dislocating effects of those refugees which was a sudden and unexpected influx.
    Mr. PAYNE. My time has expired. However, the questions of ECOMOG remaining in Liberia has left some locals feeling that perhaps the time has come that the nation is now capable of self-governing their security. What is the situation with ECOMOG and Liberia? Is there a date that they may be considering leaving; and would we therefore be willing to support the creation of a police department and a military for Liberia?
    Ms. RICE. Let me say several things. While ECOMOG's record in Liberia has been mixed, it has performed for many years a very valuable service for the people of Monrovia and its surroundings, which is to essentially protect them from the worst effects of the war. In our judgment, there still is a security concern in parts of Liberia, and we would be concerned about the precipitous withdrawal of ECOMOG.
    Having said that, we think it is absolutely essential that ECOMOG's presence be something that is fully accepted by the Government of Liberia and it happens on terms that they are comfortable with. That is a dialog for Liberia and ECOMOG to have. We certainly hope that the dialog that has been ongoing will lead to a clear understanding of a role for ECOMOG to play that is consistent with the security requirements in the sovereign needs of Liberia.
    With respect to your question about police training, that is a very specific issue and it is one with which we have some difficulty. As you may know, in the past, we were prepared to engage in police training in Liberia. That has been made difficult, if not impossible, by the selection of a leader of the police in Liberia. We have shared those concerns with the Government of Liberia. I hope that, in the future, circumstances will change, and we may well be in a position to play a constructive role with police professionalization.
    Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Payne.
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    There are just a couple of issues that I want us to touch on, including Nigeria. Another is Zambia. So, if I can just raise an issue about Nigeria. This Subcommittee held a hearing last September on Nigeria. At that time we were informed about it in the Works Review on Nigeria. Is the Administration still reviewing Nigerian policy?
    Regarding the statements you made about an electoral victory in the upcoming Presidential elections in Nigeria would be unacceptable for any military candidate. What if General Abacha were to, for appearance sake, disassociate himself with the military and run as a civilian? That is a question that comes to mind.
    Ms. RICE. Well, let me say two things. The policy review to which you referred has been long, slow and sometimes arduous. It is accelerated in recent weeks, and I hope it will soon be concluded; but it is not concluded, so my ability to talk in detail is constrained. I don't want to prejudge the outcome of the Nigerian elections, but let me be plain about our expectations.
    When General Abacha announced his transition in 1995, he said that he would hand over power by October 1, 1998 to a freely elected civilian government, and we expect him to fulfill that promise. But he has got a long way to go if he is really going to fulfill that promise.
    The political environment, as it stands now, is not conducive to free credible elections. We look very shortly for the release of political prisoners, long promised now by General Abacha. We look to freedom of the press, free political activity and for the opportunity for Nigerians of all backgrounds to compete in an open way in the upcoming elections. Right now, the way the political parties are structured, there is very little latitude for individuals that were not selected by the government to participate freely. We would hope to see that change.
    Those are among the steps that we hope the Nigerian Government will take and that is, in fact, pledged to take at one time or another that would create the environment necessary for a credible process.
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    Mr. ROYCE. Thank you.
    Regarding Zambia, you have stated that the United States has pressed the Zambian Government repeatedly to lift its state of emergency. Please tell us more about U.S. views on Zambia. Also, what is the fallout of the October coup attempt, and do we believe that former President Kenneth Kaunda is being granted due process in this situation?
    Ms. RICE. Well, Mr. Chairman, we are very concerned about recent developments in Zambia. Zambia has done many of the right things in the last several years. It has embarked on an ambitious and effective economic reform program and it has taken some steps with respect to its political transformation that we applaud, but the recent steps have frankly been very worrisome. The imposition of a state of emergency which persists, the detention of former President Kaunda and many others on charges of treason is also of concern. We have called repeatedly for swift due process in an open court, where the courts of Zambia can hear the evidence and we can all hear the evidence, if any, and make a judgment about whether these charges are valid. We haven't seen any evidence, and that concerns us. The length of time that Kaunda has been in detention, since Christmas Day, is also extremely worrisome. And so, therefore, we reiterate our call upon the Zambian Government to present its evidence and move forward with these trials as quickly as possible or, if they don't have the evidence, to in fact release former President Kaunda and others.
    Mr. ROYCE. Thank you.
    Let me also ask on the Asian financial crisis if that has any measurable impact on Africa. While we have you here, we might as well.
    Ms. RICE. Mr. Chairman, I am not an expert on the Asian financial crisis, but I am interested in a general sense, and I am also interested, obviously, particularly in its effects on Africa. Let me just give you a very general answer and say that we have been watching for negative ramifications from a financial crisis in Africa, and while there are some countries in Africa that may be particularly vulnerable potentially to the repercussions from that crisis, I think we are all gratified that thus far it has not had a substantial impact.
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    Mr. ROYCE. At this time I would like to go to my colleague, Mr. Campbell from California, and thank you again.
    Mr. CAMPBELL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I wanted to ask just one inquiry, and if it has already been covered then just say so, and I will leave you and please feel free to go on with other questions. I apologize for not being able to make the earlier part of the meeting. It would be, I think, of tremendous value as well as some real value for the President to make a short stop if it can be done at all in Rwanda. And the reason I say that is, first of all, to pay homage to the reality of the holocaust—I mean, that is what we had—is I think the honorable thing for the President of the United States to do. And it would not—he would not have to stay long to do that.
    Second, as you know much better than I, there is a nonzero—I mean a very decent probability of renewed trouble in Rwanda with possible Hutu, returning Hutu and insurgent activity, and I don't know today who may be supporting that. We all hear rumors that there might be other powers supporting that. For the President of the United States to appear in Kigali would, I think, send a strong message that anyone who wants to play in this field understand that we are—we concern ourselves with it.
    I do believe the President plans to go to Uganda. It is not far, and so I would weigh in with all the strength I have that you might consider that. Would you kindly tell me what the thinking is on that subject?
    Ms. RICE. Yes, Mr. Campbell. It is rare that I have the opportunity to respond so promptly to a congressional concern, but let me say that last week, in fact, the President did announce that he will be stopping briefly in Rwanda, precisely for the reasons that you described, and you share them fully and we think it provides a valuable opportunity to make very plain that the United States cares as deeply about genocide in Africa as it does about genocide anywhere else in the world.
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    Mr. CAMPBELL. Well, wonderful; thank you. I couldn't be more pleased.
    Mr. ROYCE. You are on a roll, Ms. Rice.
    I want to thank you very much for your good presentation today and direct answers. This is a very exciting time for Africa. I will be joining the President's delegation and look forward to working with you on many other important issues with which you are dealing. Thank you.
    This Subcommittee is now adjourned.
    Ms. RICE. Thank you very much.
    [Whereupon, at 12 noon the Subcommittee was adjourned.]

A P P E N D I X

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