SPEAKERS CONTENTS INSERTS
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72–977PS
2001
THE SUDAN PEACE ACT; AND CONDEMNING THE
RECENT ORDER BY THE TALIBAN REGIME OF
AFGHANISTAN TO REQUIRE HINDUS IN
AFGHANISTAN TO WEAR SYMBOLS IDENTIFYING THEM AS HINDU
MARKUP
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED SEVENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
ON
H.R. 2052 and H. Con. Res. 145
JUNE 6, 2001
Serial No. 107–23
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Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations
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COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois, Chairman
BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa
DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey
DAN BURTON, Indiana
ELTON GALLEGLY, California
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida
CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina
DANA ROHRABACHER, California
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California
PETER T. KING, New York
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STEVE CHABOT, Ohio
AMO HOUGHTON, New York
JOHN M. McHUGH, New York
RICHARD BURR, North Carolina
JOHN COOKSEY, Louisiana
THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado
RON PAUL, Texas
NICK SMITH, Michigan
JOSEPH R. PITTS, Pennsylvania
DARRELL E. ISSA, California
ERIC CANTOR, Virginia
JEFF FLAKE, Arizona
BRIAN D. KERNS, Indiana
JO ANN DAVIS, Virginia
TOM LANTOS, California
HOWARD L. BERMAN, California
GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York
ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American Samoa
DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
CYNTHIA A. McKINNEY, Georgia
ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
EARL F. HILLIARD, Alabama
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BRAD SHERMAN, California
ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
JIM DAVIS, Florida
ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York
WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts
GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
BARBARA LEE, California
JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York
JOSEPH M. HOEFFEL, Pennsylvania
EARL BLUMENAUER, Oregon
SHELLEY BERKLEY, Nevada
GRACE NAPOLITANO, California
ADAM B. SCHIFF, California
THOMAS E. MOONEY, SR., Staff Director/General Counsel
ROBERT R. KING, Democratic Staff Director
DANIEL FREEMAN, Counsel/Parliamentarian
MARILYN C. OWEN, Staff Associate
C O N T E N T S
Markup of H.R. 2052, the Sudan Peace Act, to facilitate famine relief efforts and a comprehensive solution to the war in Sudan
Markup of H. Con. Res. 145, condemning the recent order by the Taliban regime of Afghanistan to require Hindus in Afghanistan to wear symbols identifying them as Hindu
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LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING
The Honorable Henry J. Hyde, a Representative in Congress from the State of Illinois, and Chairman, Committee on International Relations: Prepared statement concerning H.R. 2052
The Honorable Henry J. Hyde: Prepared statement concerning H. Con. Res. 145
APPENDIX
Statements Submitted for the Record:
The Honorable Edward R. Royce, a Representative in Congress from the State of California: Prepared statement concerning H.R. 2052
The Honorable Gary L. Ackerman, a Representative in Congress from the State of New York: Prepared statement concerning H.R. 2052
The Honorable Gary L. Ackerman: Prepared statement concerning H. Con. Res. 145
Bills:
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H.R. 2052
H. Con. Res. 145
THE SUDAN PEACE ACT; AND CONDEMNING
THE RECENT ORDER BY THE TALIBAN REGIME OF AFGHANISTAN TO REQUIRE
HINDUS IN AFGHANISTAN TO WEAR SYMBOLS IDENTIFYING THEM AS HINDU
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 6, 2001
House of Representatives,
Committee on International Relations,
Washington, DC.
The Committee met, pursuant to call, at 10:28 a.m. in Room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Henry J. Hyde (Chairman of the Committee) presiding.
Chairman HYDE. The Committee will come to order.
Pursuant to notice, I now call up the bill H.R. 2052 for purposes of markup and move its favorable recommendation to the House. Without objection, the resolution will be considered as read and open for amendment at any point.
The Chair yields himself 5 minutes for purposes of making a statement.
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Two weeks ago, I received two conflicting messages regarding the situation in Sudan. One was a May 24 press release from the Sudanese embassy announcing with great fanfare that the government of Sudan had taken ''a unilateral step toward peace'' by declaring an immediate halt to aerial bombing attacks in the south and the Nuba Mountains.
The other message from Catholic clergy members reported that the priests living in the southern parts of the El Obeid Diocese had been driven into the bush by ferocious assaults by Sudanese Government forces.
As additional reports filtered out of this remote area of the Nuba Mountains from a variety of sources, it became clear that the government of Sudan had launched a massive ground and air attack while it was simultaneously issuing press releases about its commitment to peace.
Government forces burned more than 2,000 homes during this attack. They apparently hoped to starve the local population still at large into concentration camps called, in the best Orwellian tradition, peace villages. This contrast between word and deed underlines the importance of today's consideration of the Sudan Peace Act.
I am grateful to Mr. Tancredo for introducing it and also to Mr. Royce and Mr. Payne for their excellent leadership of the Africa Subcommittee. I also would like to call attention to the tireless work of the U.S. Catholic Bishops Conference, the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, the NAACP, and countless individuals and organizations across the country that have given this matter the profile and the attention it deserves.
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The measure before us is more than symbolic. It will give the President the discretion he needs to reprogram and reallocate quickly any portion of humanitarian resources the United States currently gives to Operation Lifeline Sudan. Despite efforts to carry out its humanitarian mission without interference, Operation Lifeline Sudan has frequently been manipulated by the government of Sudan.
We should make no mistake. The denial of food is used as a weapon of war in Sudan. This provision suspends our government's standard, but often time consuming, notification procedures if the President deems it necessary to deliver lifesaving assistance by other means. In addition, this measure will shed light on those international companies doing business in Sudan, as well as how that business may support the government's war fighting ability.
This is not a sanction, but a beam of light directed at some of the hidden aspects of the global economy. Given the nationwide grassroots effort by Americans of all political parties and races to raise awareness about the suffering of the people of Sudan, it is only proper that investors should know whether a particular company is doing business in Sudan.
The Sudan Peace Act is important in what it does, but also in what it does not do. It does not in any way hinder the executive branch in its responsibility to conduct the foreign affairs of this nation.
In his first appearance before this Committee as Secretary of State, Secretary Colin Powell stated that Sudan was a tragedy that would command his full attention. In characteristic fashion, the Secretary appears to be backing up what he says.
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Against expectations from some in the media, Secretary Powell has taken an early trip to Africa and has focused to a considerable extent on the conflict in Sudan. He has indicated that the Administration will soon appoint an experienced and capable special envoy. He has been unequivocal in his remarks regarding the abuses in Sudan. He has committed $3 million to improve the capabilities of the rebel alliance to hold its own at the bargaining table.
In short, we are beginning to see the attention we have urged. This measure supports and encourages those efforts without being unduly prescriptive to Administration officials, some of whom already know a thing or two about dealing with rogue nations.
I urge my colleagues to support this measure, and I am pleased to recognize the gentleman from California, Mr. Lantos, for purposes of an opening statement.
[The prepared statement of Chairman Hyde follows:]
PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE HENRY J. HYDE, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF ILLINOIS, AND CHAIRMAN, COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
H.R. 2052, THE SUDAN PEACE ACT
Two weeks ago, I received two conflicting messages regarding the situation in Sudan. One was a May 24 press release from the Sudanese embassy announcing, with great fanfare, that the Government of Sudan had taken ''a unilateral step toward peace'' by declaring an immediate halt to aerial bombing attacks in the south and the Nuba Mountains.
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The other message, from Catholic clergy members, reported that the priests living in southern parts of the El Obeid Diocese had been driven into the bush by ''ferocious assaults by Sudanese government forces.''
As additional reports filtered out of this remote area of the Nuba Mountains from a variety of sources, it became clear that the Government of Sudan had launched a massive ground and air attack while it was simultaneously issuing press releases about its commitment to peace. Government forces burned more than 2,000 homes during this attack. They apparently hope to starve the local population, still at large, into concentration camps called, in the best Orwellian tradition, ''Peace Villages.''
This contrast between word and deed underlines the importance of today's consideration of the Sudan Peace Act. I am grateful to Mr. Tancredo for introducing it, and also to Mr. Royce and Mr. Payne for their excellent leadership of the Africa Subcommittee. I would also like to call attention to the tireless work of the Catholic Bishops Conference, the Commission on International Religious Freedom, the NAACP, and countless individuals and organizations across the country that have given this matter the profile and attention it deserves.
The measure before us is more than symbolic. It will give the President the discretion he needs to reprogram and reallocate quickly any portion of humanitarian resources the United States currently gives to Operation Lifeline Sudan. Despite efforts to carry out its humanitarian mission without interference, Operation Lifeline Sudan has frequently been manipulated by the government of Sudan. We should make no mistake: the denial of food is used as a weapon of war in Sudan. This provision suspends our government's standard but often time-consuming notification procedures if the President deems it necessary to deliver life-saving assistance by other means.
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In addition, this measure will shed light on those international companies doing business in Sudan as well as how that business may support the government's war-fighting ability. This is not a sanction, but a beam of light directed at some of the hidden aspects of the global economy. Given the nationwide, grassroots effort by Americans of all political parties and races to raise awareness about the suffering of the people of Sudan, it is only proper that investors should know whether a particular company is doing business in Sudan.
The Sudan Peace Act is important in what it does, but also in what it does not do. It does not in any way hinder the executive branch in its responsibility to conduct the foreign affairs of this nation. In his first appearance before this Committee as Secretary of State, Secretary Powell stated that Sudan was a tragedy that would command his full attention. In characteristic fashion, the Secretary appears to be backing up what he said.
Against expectations from some in the media, Secretary Powell has taken an early trip to Africa and has focused to a considerable extent on the conflict in Sudan. He has indicated that the Administration will soon appoint an experienced and capable special envoy. He has been unequivocal in his remarks regarding the ongoing abuses in Sudan. He has committed $3 million dollars to improve the capabilities of the rebel alliance to hold its own at the bargaining table.
In short, we are beginning to see the attention we have urged. This measure supports and encourages those efforts without being unduly prescriptive to Administration officials, some of whom already know a thing or two about dealing with rogue nations. I urge my colleagues to support this measure.
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Mr. LANTOS. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I want to commend you for holding this session.
First I want to thank the author of this resolution, my friend, Mr. Tancredo, and the Chairman of the Africa Subcommittee, Mr. Royce, and Ranking Member Payne for bringing this legislation before our Committee.
The manmade catastrophe that has afflicted the people of southern Sudan is simply beyond comprehension. In spite of its deceitful public statements, the government of Sudan has intensified the prosecution of the civil war in Sudan outside the areas of its own control.
This conflict, Mr. Chairman, fueled by the cynical efforts of the National Islamic Front, has already claimed more than two million lives and displaced more than four million human beings. I want to repeat this. This conflict has claimed two million lives and has displaced more than four million human beings.
The government of Sudan manipulates international food aid as a devastating weapon of war. It organizes militias and other irregular units for raiding and enslaving women and children. It manipulates traditional rivalries through divide and conquer techniques effectively to subjugate the population.
The Sudanese Government pursues a scorched earth policy using aerial bombardment against civilian targets, including hospitals, clinics, schools, markets and villages to drive innocent civilians from their homes in order to secure unimpeded access to lucrative oil fields in the southern region of Sudan.
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As late as May 1, defecting soldiers from the Sudanese army and victims of bomb attacks have testified that helicopter gunships fly regularly from the air strips that are part of oil company consortium facilities to attack civilian settlements in a continuing campaign to clear and secure more territory for oil development.
In order to bring peace to Sudan for all its inhabitants, the United States Government must address both the war and the humanitarian disaster which is being inflicted on the people of Sudan. Our government must pursue a principal course of action that engages all parties in an effort to bring about peace and hold those accountable who have engaged in anti-humanitarian practices in the execution of the war.
Our bill commits the U.S. Government to employ its diplomatic resources to engage our allies in Europe and Africa to bring about an enduring and just political settlement so that Sudan can become the kind of country its people want and deserve. Our bill puts U.S. money where our mouth is by providing funds to strengthen opposition political groups who can negotiate with the government and help shape hopefully a multi-party and transparent society. Finally, our bill ensures that humanitarian relief is provided, but not subject to manipulation by the Sudanese Government as a tool of war.
Our bill represents a good step, Mr. Chairman, in addressing this devastating conflict, and I urge all my colleagues to support it. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. I thank the gentleman.
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The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California, Chairman of the Africa Subcommittee, Mr. Royce.
Mr. ROYCE. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
The Africa Subcommittee recently held a hearing on the issue, and we heard of the devastation that is occurring as the government of Sudan systematically clears the area of oil operations with the most brutal of tactics.
Over the last few years, we have held a number of hearings where we learned of the overt genocide occurring there, the slavery that continues to go on, and the human rights abuses. We have passed several resolutions of U.S. opposition to that overt genocide. Secretary Powell is right. The tragedy playing out there is second to none in the world. Two million people have lost their lives.
This Sudan Peace Act does several things. First, it requires companies wishing to raise capital in the United States for operations in Sudan to enhance their reporting requirements. This disclosure includes the nature of those operations and their relationship to violations of religious freedom and other human rights in Sudan.
The report will be a valuable tool in alerting American investors to the nature of their potential investment. This should serve as a deterrent to foreign companies raising money on U.S. markets for oil development activities in Sudan, activities that unquestionably are intensifying the fighting and the human suffering going on in Sudan.
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Further, it urges the Administration to make available to the National Democratic Alliance $10 million in previously appropriated funds. This funding can be used to help build the civil society that has been devastated in the south.
Lastly, it requires the Administration to develop a contingency plan to operate outside of Operation Lifeline Sudan, the humanitarian relief effort that has been outrageously manipulated by the government of Sudan. This legislation also states that continued U.S. leadership is critical.
I am confident that Sudan is receiving attention from the Bush Administration, as Chairman Hyde has noted. We need to be realistic, though. This is a long running and very complex conflict. American tools, to be frank, are limited. I believe that this legislation, though, is a contribution to a possible resolution; one that will require a great deal of patience, resources and diplomatic finesse.
Mr. Tancredo and Mr. Payne deserve credit for the work they have done on this legislation, and I look forward to continuing our work together to see that Congress plays its role in trying to make a difference in this very difficult situation.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. Thank you.
Mr. Ackerman?
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Mr. ACKERMAN. I thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I also thank the sponsors of the bill for drafting this much needed legislation.
I recall actually going to the Sudan with our colleague, Frank Wolf, and seeing firsthand those things that are mentioned in this bill. At that time, we had passed a resolution that I had introduced into the House. It was passed by the Senate as well, and I personally delivered it to John Gurang, Frank Wolf and I did, in southern Sudan.
Later on, we went back through Ethiopia and flew into Khartoum. We were joined by our colleagues, the late Mickey Leeland and Bill Emerson and also Mike McNulty, where we presented the same resolution to Sadik El Machti.
Basically what we called for at that time was a cessation in the hostilities so that the food could travel throughout the country and that innocent starving people could be fed, but that was not to be.
We had a very difficult time during those years getting the attention of the Congress and anybody else to the fact that a genocide was being committed again in our time, a religious genocide by the government of the north trying to kill by starvation the black Christian population in the south of Sudan.
Sadly to say, 15 years later that is still going on. The good thing is we now have the concentration of the Congress on this issue. People do know what is happening. Unlike the resolution that we presented basically calling upon them, this resolution actually has some teeth, and hopefully it will do some good.
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Again, I thank the Chairman for expeditiously bringing this up.
Chairman HYDE. I thank the gentleman.
I will just announce that we have the presence of a reporting quorum, so we can move this bill. I just throw that out for Members to take into consideration.
Mr. Tancredo? I will get to you next. Mr. Tancredo?
Mr. TANCREDO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I, too, want to express my sincere appreciation to Mr. Royce and to you, sir, for bringing this bill forward and helping in its development. This is the first tangible piece of support that has developed out of a trip to the Sudan taken by myself, Mr. Payne and Senator Brownback almost 2 years ago.
I recall distinctly when we walked into a small village in the southern part of Sudan called Yiea, the people in that village surrounded us immediately and got as close to us as they possibly could in the hope that somehow others, the people who had been bombing their village quite regularly, would take heed of the fact that there were American Congressmen there and that they would not bomb while we were there.
Of course, I had the same hope, but the fact is to look in the eyes of the people, of the children who did surround us, their plea for help was something I could not certainly ignore, nor could I deal with in any effective way at that moment in time. I certainly could not assure them that just standing there next to us would protect them in any way from the bombs that had been falling just the day before.
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But this is some degree of hope that we can provide. It is only that. It is only a tool, as has been referenced before by my colleagues on the Committee. It will not in and of itself bring peace.
As I have said before, sometimes titles that are applied to pieces of legislation around here are quite illusory. This being entitled the Sudan Peace Act, it is just more of I suppose a hope than a reality in terms of the actual effect. It will not in and of itself bring peace. It will, however, I think go a long way to encourage those people who actually do want peace in Sudan to come to the table.
The disconcerting thing about this whole thing from my point of view in the last few months is that there have been these attempts made. There have been contacts made by members of the Khartoum Government to Members of this Congress and others in an attempt to present themselves as peace embassaries essentially telling us that there is a desire on the part of the Khartoum Government to bring this thing to an end.
I want to believe them. I still want to believe them. At this moment in time, I am still hopeful that some of the things that have happened, some of the actions that have been taken subsequent to those visits are aberrations and are not in fact an aspect of the complete hypocrisy of the proposals that were made to us in public.
I hope that that is not the case. If it is not the case, if there is any semblance of integrity in the proposals that have been made, then this provides the framework for us to put those actions and their proposals into effect.
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That is why I have great hope that this is a tool in the arsenal that we are amassing now, the Bush Administration is amassing, to try to bring peace to this troubled region and to those small children in Yiea. I say that they not only have this to look forward to, but the prayers of many, many thousands of people, millions of people around the world.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. Mr. Gilman?
Mr. GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will be brief. I want to thank you for bringing this measure to the Floor at this time.
It is very important for all of us to concentrate on this event, and I want to commend Chairman Royce and Mr. Payne for their outstanding leadership on the Subcommittee on Africa, as well as Mr. Tancredo for his persistent attention and energy. I congratulate our colleagues and their counterparts in the Minority for coming together to focus attention on this event.
The civil war in the Sudan continues to be a slow motion genocide. Too many southern Sudanese are dying every day, while hundreds of thousands are at risk from famine and malnutrition. At the very same time, there are no winners in Sudan, north or south.
If a young man, for example, from northern Sudan wishes to be admitted to a university he must first join the army. In the army, he has a good chance of being killed in an immoral and pointless war. Even if he survives, he may have to live with the memories that he has seen or in some cases even take part in. Either way, this war is a cancer that is destroying the once vibrant culture of Arab Sudan at the same time that it wreaks havoc in the African south.
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I also commend Secretary Powell for his recent trip to Africa and for his announced intention to devote considerable attention to trying to bring peace to the Sudan. Accordingly, I urge our colleagues to fully support this measure, and I thank the Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. Mr. Delahunt?
Mr. DELAHUNT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I want to congratulate the sponsors of this legislation. It makes eminently good sense.
I would just ask a question, and I do not know if anyone has the answers, but we have heard references to assaults on civilian population commencing from facilities of oil installations. I think that was the term. Who are these oil companies that are allowing this conduct to occur on their properties, if that be the case?
I do not know if Mr. Tancredo or someone else might have the answer to this question, but that I just find reprehensible. I would be particularly concerned if there was any American company that was doing business in the Sudan. I presume that is not the case.
Mr. ROYCE. Would the gentleman yield?
Mr. DELAHUNT. I yield.
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Mr. ROYCE. Yes. There are no U.S. companies. There are sanctions in place against U.S. firms doing business there.
Talisman, a Canadian company, is active there. Petro China is active there as well, but these are not U.S. installations.
Mr. DELAHUNT. Thank you.
Mr. ROYCE. I would make the point, if I could, that money, though, is raised on the capital markets for these types of oil exploration projects that are owned overseas, and that is what is addressed in the legislation.
Mr. DELAHUNT. I understand that is addressed in the legislation. I would also hope that if presumably this act should pass that those companies be notified formally of the position of the United States Government in this regard, because I find that reprehensible.
Mr. PAUL. If the gentleman would yield?
Chairman HYDE. Mr. Paul?
Mr. PAUL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to make a few brief points.
I agree with all the statements about the problems that exist in Sudan. They are heart wrenching, and it elicits our desire to help. I, however, do not believe our good intentions will result in solving these problems. Too often, in a war zone the opposite happens for what we are trying to do. Almost always we never achieve what we set out to, and frequently we achieve quite the opposite.
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A couple little short points I would like to make because we do not talk about this when we are presenting the expenditure of money to solve a problem. We concentrate on expending the money and solving the problem, and everything is going to go well. We have also been warned that there is a lot more money to come.
Any time we spend money, we should remember that this $10 million will not be spent by some American somewhere in the economy, and that we usually forget. Also, every time we spend $10 million overseas we could spend it here in the United States to help poor people and help with medical care. There are always tradeoffs, and we should not forget that. Also, a very old fashioned idea is we should always look for the authority to do the things we are doing. Of course, there is no authority for us to do this.
Since it does not work too well, some day I would like us to concentrate more on encouraging the voluntary solutions to this because even though this is food and humanitarian assistance, it is in many ways assistance for a severe, serious conflict which means that we are pitting one against another, and that has nothing to do with our national security.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Chairman HYDE. Mr. Cooksey?
Mr. COOKSEY. I have great respect for my friend, Dr. Paul from Texas, and I would love to agree with him. You know, as Americans we still have some responsibility internationally. We have responsibilities in Africa as well.
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If we do nothing else but look at it from a medical standpoint, and Dr. Paul and I both used to make an honest living as physicians, half of the infectious disease in the world is in Africa—subsaharan Africa.
If we look at it from nothing but a selfish domestic American standpoint, we need to bring some resolution of these conflicts in Africa so they can build infrastructure, so they can indeed get rid of polio, which still exists in Africa and I think in India, and help bring some resolution to this problem.
I agree. There are some programs. There are probably some areas that we are not going to spend——
Mr. PAUL. Would the gentlemen yield?
Mr. COOKSEY. Yes.
Mr. PAUL. Thank you for yielding. I would point out that my position is not a selfish position. My position is that I emphasize the voluntary approach versus the use of force. When you use force to do things, you are redirecting what is correct and where the money should go.
I say, and I concede all the problems and that we should and could do something, but I reject the idea that we should always use force and a heavy-handed government to do this and that we should do it in a different manner. It has nothing to do with selfishness.
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Mr. COOKSEY. Well, I am sorry for using the word selfish. I certainly did not mean to imply that your position was selfish, but I still think that we have responsibility and that we can help those people.
I used to work in east Africa. I have been in west Africa the last 2 years. There are great needs there. I think that it is a proper and an appropriate American responsibility over there, and I would support this bill.
Mr. ACKERMAN. Will the gentleman yield? Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. COOKSEY. Yes. I am through, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. ACKERMAN. Thank you very much. I am always delighted to see one physician offering a differing second opinion to another.
Let me just reiterate the point that you did make. I agree with you. It is not just a matter of dollars and cents. I agree with both of you on that, but it is not also just an issue of national security that we should be looking at.
We should be looking at our national soul, our American consciousness, our sense of what is right and wrong, not to have people such as ourselves who know better to stand idly by while one group of people, whether they be Islamic in the north or not, are trying to annihilate another group of people who happen to be Christians, who live in the south of the country, by sheer starvation and not allowing the flow of food to reach them.
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I think that we have a duty and an obligation not as Members of Congress only, not as Americans, but as human beings to intercede in any way that we best can. This is a very gentle and modest way that we might be able to effect. If we do not take that chance, we are negligent.
Chairman HYDE. The Chair notes that there are no amendments. Therefore, the question occurs on the motion to report the bill, H.R. 2052, favorably.
All in favor say aye.
[Chorus of ayes.]
Chairman HYDE. Opposed, nay?
[No response.]
Chairman HYDE. The ayes have it. The motion to report favorably is adopted.
Without objection, the Chairman is authorized to move the bill to conference pursuant to House Rule 22. Without objection, the staff is directed to make any technical and conforming changes.
Pursuant to notice, I now call up the resolution, H. Con. Res. 145, condemning the recent order by the Taliban regime of Afghanistan to require Hindus in Afghanistan to wear symbols identifying them as Hindu for purposes of markup and to move its favorable recommendation to the House.
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Without objection, the resolution will be considered as read and open for amendment at any point, and the Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York, Mr. Gilman, to explain the resolution.
[The prepared statement of Chairman Hyde follows:]
PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE HENRY J. HYDE, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF ILLINOIS, AND CHAIRMAN, COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
H. CON. RES. 145, CONDEMNING THE RECENT ORDER BY THE TALIBAN REGIME OF AFGHANISTAN
I want to commend Congressman Engle for crafting this important resolution, and appreciate Chairmen Gilman's and Ros-Lehtinen's cooperation in allowing it to move forward expeditiously.
It is important that the Congress go on record condemning the recent order by the Taliban to require Hindus in Afghanistan to wear identifying symbols.
That order is a clear indication of the regime's intolerance—an intolerance that is amply expressed in other ways as well.
The Taliban's oppression of woman and support for Osama bin Laden is well known. They provide bin Laden with refuge and treat him as an honored guest. Women are not permitted to work, even if it means that they cannot provide for their families.
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The Taliban is also heavily involved with opium production. It is the major source of heroin for Europe.
The regime, as is well known, recently destroyed Buddhist relics around the country. Less well known is that it massacred thousands of Muslim civilians of the Hazara ethnic group who lived near the two most prominent Buddhist relics.
It is reported that Afghanistan has over forty training camps for the explicit purpose of training international terrorists. The goals of the terrorists are to overthrow all secular or non-Muslim states and, especially, India, Israel and the United States.
One of the three countries in the world that recognizes the Taliban is Pakistan. We must strongly urge our good friends who live in that secular Muslim nation and are Afghanistan's neighbors to pressure the Taliban to end its repression of women and minorities and, especially, to lift the requirement that Hindus and non-Muslims wear identifying marks or tags on their clothes.
Mr. GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to commend Chairman Hyde for his leadership in bringing the resolution expeditiously before our Committee, and I strongly support this measure introduced by the gentleman from New York, Mr. Engel.
This resolution condemns the recent order for the Taliban regime of Afghanistan requiring Hindus in Afghanistan to wear symbols on their clothing identifying them as a Hindu. We are appalled and deeply concerned by this outrageous edict. Our nation and the rest of the world need to register the strongest possible condemnation of this edict.
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As our resolution points out, the world has not witnessed anything like this since the Nazis required Jews to wear a yellow Star of David on their clothing. The Taliban regime's repression of women and its intolerance of other minorities go hand in hand with other reprehensible behavior.
It is not surprising that the Taliban permit Osama Bin Laden, a terrorist kingpin, to find a safe haven in Afghanistan as their special guest. Bin Laden is responsible for much of the terrorist-related murder and mayhem that has shattered peace throughout the subcontinent. His thugs have killed our State Department employees and hundreds of innocent people. The Taliban and Bin Laden appear to be made for one another.
Moreover, the Taliban's involvement in taxing, stocking and trading in opium makes it responsible for much of the global misery related to drug trafficking and addiction.
Finally, it is no open secret that Pakistan in many ways supports the Taliban. It is appropriate, therefore, that this resolution calls upon Pakistan——
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, the Committee is not in order.
Chairman HYDE. The Committee will come to order. The gentleman will proceed.
Mr. GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
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Chairman HYDE. Thank you, Mr. Lantos.
Mr. GILMAN. Finally, it is no open secret that Pakistan in many ways supports the Taliban. It is appropriate, therefore, that this resolution calls upon Pakistan to use its influence to demand that the Taliban revoke its edict that identifies Hindus and other non-Muslims. Accordingly, I urge our colleagues to support H. Con. Res. 145.
I thank the Chairman for yielding.
Chairman HYDE. The gentleman from New York, Mr. Ackerman.
Mr. ACKERMAN. I thank the Chairman. Did you mean to call upon me or Mr. Engel, the maker of the resolution, first? Well, if I am in the good book, then closer my Lord to thee. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I want to thank the Chairman for expeditiously bringing this up, and I want to thank especially Mr. Engel for introducing this resolution in a nonpartisan way with so many co-sponsors both on the Committee and throughout the House of Representatives.
Mr. Chairman, I thought that we had gone past the era of the kind of hate that took place during World War II. I was able to secure through an auction house an actual badge that was worn during the Nazi era by Jews. Jews were forced in all of the countries that were taken over by the Third Reich to wear these as arm bands on their clothing so that people would be able to know who the Jews were and who they were not.
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It was on August 8, 1940, that Hitler's army marched into Denmark. Shortly thereafter, the foreign minister resigned. The story goes around that within 2 years the Germans required all of the Jews to not only wear these, but then ordered the deportation of the Jews to the concentration camps in that country.
On that day that the order was given, the entire government of Denmark resigned rather than participate in filling out the orders. That morning, as the sun rose over Copenhagen, it is reported that King Christian X, the King of Denmark, appeared in the street wearing this yellow arm band on his sleeve, and that when the news went around throughout the country, that the Danes came out of their houses all wearing pieces of yellow cloth so that people were not able to distinguish who the small Jewish community was amongst them and at that time be able to deport them into camps.
They were not Jews. They were human beings. It does not take somebody who is Jewish to understand this, and it does not take somebody who is Christian to understand the problems in the Sudan. It does not take somebody who is a Hindu to understand the kind of terrible fear and anxiety that must be going through that small population in Afghanistan that is suffering under this threat that is about to be implemented by the Taliban.
On the day that that happens, I believe that we are all Hindus, or we are all Jews, or we are all Christians. We all belong to humankind, and when any group of people, no matter how small, no matter how different than we are, is threatened with extinction, annihilation, persecution or any other terrible thing, then we must all identify with them.
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I would suggest, in addition to passing this resolution, Mr. Chairman, that on the day that the Taliban enforces their resolution, that those of us who would like to do so on this Committee and in the House of Representatives wear yellow bands for that day that say I am a Hindu so that these people do not feel so tragically alone, because they know what the future holds in store for them, if history be any judge.
I thank Mr. Engel for his sensitivity in bringing this up and the Subcommittee for bringing it to our attention and to the Chairman for bringing it to the Committee.
Chairman HYDE. Mr. Lantos?
Mr. LANTOS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman
I want to commend my colleague, Mr. Engel from New York, for introducing his resolution and my colleague from New York, Mr. Ackerman, for his eloquent statement. I will be more than pleased to be a Hindu for the day as he suggests, should this outrageous practice be put into effect.
I, of course, support H.Res.Con 145 condemning Afghanistan's Islamic Taliban regime for the edict issued on May 23 requiring all Afghan Hindus to wear identification badges and for Hindu women to fully cover themselves in a veil. Our resolution demands that the Taliban regime immediately revoke its order stigmatizing Hindus in Afghanistan.
This is only the most recent of a long list of horrific human rights and religious freedom abuses committed by this despicable regime. In addition to forcing Hindus to wear a yellow badge and Hindu women to wear a veil covering them from head to toe, the Taliban decreed that their homes must also be identified as Hindu. The edict also forbids Muslims and Hindus from living together.
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The edict issued by the Taliban is reprehensible, and it clearly echoes Nazi Germany's policies stigmatizing Jews, Roma, homosexuals and others. We cannot allow the Taliban to systematically harass, persecute and depress Afghan Hindus in such a manner which is so eerily reminiscent of a horrific past.
The United States has been joined, Mr. Chairman, by the international community in condemning the Taliban for separating and stigmatizing Hindus because of their religious beliefs. Just in the last 24 hours, the Taliban has expanded their restrictions on foreign aid workers, further limiting their freedom of movement.
The Taliban's actions, Mr. Chairman, are beyond rational human comprehension. At a time when millions of Afghans are on the edge of starvation, the Taliban are intent on driving away any international support and assistance through their offensive, sickening and inhumane policies. It is almost as if they were trying to implement genocide against their own people.
If there is one country left on this earth that seems to have any influence with the Taliban it is Pakistan, and yet the government of Pakistan has been all too reluctant to use its influence with the Taliban. As you know, Mr. Chairman, in a few days you and I will be receiving, as I understand it, the foreign minister of Pakistan, and I intend to raise with the foreign minister of Pakistan this most recent outrage of the neighboring government of Afghan.
Our resolution urges the government of Pakistan to stand with the international community to call a halt to these reprehensible policies of the Taliban, and I urge all of my colleagues to support the resolution.
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Chairman HYDE. Mr. Engel?
Mr. ENGEL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to thank you and the Ranking Member, Mr. Lantos, for working with me to bring this resolution to markup so quickly.
When I heard about what the Taliban did, I immediately instructed my staff to start drafting the resolution. Everyone who spoke spoke eloquently about what this means. I am wearing a yellow ribbon to show solidarity with the Hindus in Afghanistan, and I think it is important that all of us identify with them.
The Taliban, as it was pointed out, has an abysmal record. They have offended the world by ordering the destruction of all pre-Islamic statutes in Afghanistan, among them a pair of 1,600 year old, hundred foot tall statutes of Buddha that were carved out of a mountainside. Obviously this edict is reminiscent of the yellow Star of David the Jews were forced to wear in Nazi Germany and other Nazi occupied areas.
On May 22, as was pointed out, the Afghanistan Islamic Taliban regime issued an edict requiring Afghan Hindus to wear yellow identification badges and Hindu women to fully cover themselves in a veil and for Hindu households to have yellow draperies, which would indicate that they are Hindus.
The edict accompanies the 1999 law forbidding non-Muslims from living in the same houses as Muslims, from criticizing Muslims and from building places of worship. Combined, these edicts have obviously had the effect of stigmatizing, separating and disadvantaging the Hindus because of their religious beliefs.
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I might point out that, you know, in the Nazi regimes the initial edicts against Jews were very small and seemingly very mild and innocuous, and it is from small edicts that things get built upon and ending in the Holocaust. I think that this might be looked upon by some as wearing a ribbon as something small, but we know that this is the start of something much, much bigger. Combined, obviously, these edicts have the effect of stigmatizing, separating and disadvantaging the Hindus because of their religious beliefs.
Now, what is so absurd is that, according to the Taliban, the action was supposedly taken to protect Hindus from the religious police who often arrest Hindus for not following Muslim law. They are saying that this way it will identify the Hindus as non-Muslims, and, therefore, they will not be arrested by the religious police.
This logic really adds insult to injury. Obviously this type of religious discrimination has no place in the world. Forcing Hindus to wear distinctive clothing does nothing to protect Hindus from the religious police. Obviously it makes them even more vulnerable to police and mob violence.
This is not the first time the Taliban has singled out Afghan Hindus. Prior to 1992, Afghanistan had a population of over 50,000 Hindus. Most fled due to anti-Hindu violence. We estimate that there are now approximately only 500 Hindus left in Afghanistan who are subject to the Taliban's edict.
My resolution—and I want to compliment my colleagues—just within a few short days we have gotten over 60 bipartisan co-sponsors. My resolution condemns the recent order by the Taliban regime to require Hindus to wear identification symbols and demands that the Taliban regime immediately revokes its order stigmatizing Hindus in Afghanistan and to conform its laws to all basic international, civil and human rights standards.
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The international community, including our friends and allies around the world, have joined the United States in condemning the Taliban's edicts. State Department spokesman Richard Boucher said that, ''Forcing social groups to wear distinctive clothing or identifying marks stigmatizes and isolates those groups and can never, never be justified.''
As was mentioned, even Pakistan, one of only three countries recognizing the Taliban as a legitimate government of Afghanistan and the only country to have military ties with the Taliban, has issued a statement saying, ''We deplore any discriminatory practices against religious or other minority communities anywhere in the world. We regard such practices as against the spirit of Islam.''
As a result, this resolution also calls on Pakistan to use its influence with the Taliban regime to demand that it immediately revoke the edict.
I invite everyone to join with me, as Mr. Ackerman pointed out, in wearing these yellow symbols in solidarity with the Hindus to protect the discriminatory policies of the Taliban. Indeed, we must all be Hindus in this respect.
I urge all my colleagues to support this resolution, and I thank you, Mr. Chairman, again and Mr. Lantos for expediting this resolution.
Chairman HYDE. The Chair understands there are no amendments. Therefore, the question occurs on the motion——
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Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Chairman?
Chairman HYDE. Who is seeking recognition?
Mr. ROHRABACHER. I had asked——
Chairman HYDE. Mr. Rohrabacher. Yes, sir.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. I had asked earlier. I did not know. My name was not put on the list.
Chairman HYDE. I am sorry. The message never reached me.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. All right. Thank you, sir.
Chairman HYDE. Go ahead.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. I was one of the early co-sponsors of this resolution, and I would like to thank Mr. Engel, of course, for moving so quickly on it.
I think it behooves us to do more about the Taliban than to wear yellow arm bands and wear yellow ribbons. Although it is symbolic and I applaud the idea that people are going to do something symbolic, this regime threatens the stability of all of central Asia.
This regime has permitted terrorists to use Afghanistan as a base of operations in which their country then has been the springboard for operations that have cost the lives of people throughout the Middle East who happen to be for peace on both sides of the issues in the Middle East, as well as targeted Americans. That alone should give us a message about the regime and our commitment and what ultimately should have been.
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Instead, let me say we also have this act, which is just one more act of symbolic act of repression, against the people of Afghanistan. The Taliban represent a fanatic fraction of the people of Afghanistan.
The Taliban should not be mistaken with the muja hadeen who fought the Soviet Union. I know quite often when I am listening to the analysis of Afghanistan that people make that mistake. The Taliban were not part of the fight against the Soviet Union. I was in Afghanistan during the fight against the Soviet Union. They were not there. Most of the leaders of the Taliban were not part of the muja hadeen leadership. They were in Pakistan.
I am very happy to hear Mr. Lantos, with his commitment to put the Pakistani foreign minister who will be visiting us on the spot next week. I will be there as well, to discuss Pakistan's not only acquiescence, but Pakistan's involvement, direct involvement and overwhelming involvement, in not only the creation, but the support of the Taliban.
The Taliban have been involved, as I say, as a base for terrorism. They are a force of repression in their own society, which does not reflect the devout nature of the Afghan people. The Afghan people are devout in their faith, but they are not fanatics. They are not fanatics like the Taliban.
They have also, of course, been the source of about 60 to 70 percent of the world's heroin for the last 5 years. The Taliban will now claim that they have eliminated the poppy production in their country, but I would hope that we are not fooled by this analysis because, as we know, Afghanistan is going through one of its worst droughts in its history, and it is the drought, not the Taliban, that is eliminating the growing of poppies in their country.
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I confronted the foreign minister of the Taliban in the Persian Gulf about a month ago about the blowing up of the statutes, and his answer was we are in the middle of a drought, and the day after we blew up the statues it began to rain. I did not quite understand why if they believe that this was God's will, why God had inflicted a drought upon Afghanistan for all of those years. By the way, the rain lasted 2 days, and now it is right back to the drought.
We need to make sure that as Americans that we stand against this type of fanaticism, not only in Afghanistan. That fanaticism will bring down Pakistan and our good friends, moderate friends in that area. We need to stand against this type of fanaticism wherever it is. There is Hindu fanaticism in India in which some Muslims have been killed. We know what is going on in the Khasmir, that there are a lot of problems there.
We need to make sure that we speak with one voice whenever that type of repression occurs and say there is no excuse. If there is evil going on in other parts of the world, the Taliban may think that the Hindu violence in another country in some way justifies their acts of repression and violence in their own country. It does not.
We must speak with one voice and one set of principles in saying that this type of religious fanaticism, which says that citizenship and rights are only based on one's religion, whether it is in Afghanistan or elsewhere, is not the road to take and is not acceptable to the United States.
We should work to overthrow the government of the Taliban. The United States should be clearly on the side of replacing the Taliban with those people in Afghanistan who believe in a more free, democratic and open society.
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Chairman HYDE. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Thank you.
Chairman HYDE. There being no amendments, the question occurs on the motion to report the resolution, H. Con. Res. 145, favorably.
All in favor say aye.
[Chorus of ayes.]
Chairman HYDE. Opposed, nay?
[No response.]
Chairman HYDE. The ayes have it. The motion is reported favorably as adopted. Without objection, the Chairman is authorized to move to go to conference pursuant to House Rule 22. Without objection, the staff is directed to make any technical and conforming changes.
The Committee stands adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:19 a.m. the Committee was adjourned.]
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A P P E N D I X
Material Submitted for the Record
PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE EDWARD R. ROYCE, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA
H.R. 2052, THE SUDAN PEACE ACT
WASHINGTON, D.C.—Africa Subcommittee Chairman Ed Royce (R–CA–39) made the following statement today before the House International Relations Committee passed the Sudan Peace Act [H.R. 2052]. The measure, which passed the Africa Subcommittee on May 16, now heads to the House floor and will likely be considered next week.
''The Africa Subcommittee, and indeed many Members of this Committee and the Congress, have taken a strong interest in Sudan. We've held several hearings and passed resolutions expressing concern and dismay at the killing and human rights abuses that have occurred in Sudan year-after-year-after-year. The tragedy that has been playing out in Sudan is second to none. There have been two million deaths over the last two decades.
''The Sudan Peace Act does several things. Among them:
''It requires companies wishing to raise capital in the U.S. for operations in Sudan to enhance their reporting requirements. This disclosure includes the nature of those operations and their relationship to violations of religious freedom and other human rights in Sudan. This report will be a valuable tool in alerting American investors to the nature of their potential investment. This should serve as a deterrent to foreign companies raising money on U.S. markets for oil development activities in Sudan—activities that unquestionably are intensifying the fighting and human suffering in Sudan.
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''It urges the Administration to make available to the National Democratic Alliance $10 million dollars in previously appropriated funds. This funding can be used to help build the civil society that has been devastated in the South.
''It requires the Administration to develop a contingency plan to operate outside of Operation Lifeline Sudan, the humanitarian relief effort that has been outrageously manipulated by the Government of Sudan.
''This legislation also states that continued U.S. leadership is critical. I'm confident that Sudan is receiving attention from the Bush Administration, as Chairman [Henry] Hyde has noted. We need to be realistic, though. This is a long-running and very complex conflict. American tools, to be frank, are limited. I believe that this legislation though is a contribution to a possible resolution—one that will require a great deal of patience, resources, and diplomatic finesse.''
PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE GARY L. ACKERMAN, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK
H.R. 2052, THE SUDAN PEACE ACT
I thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I also thank the sponsors of the bill for drafting this much needed legislation.
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I recall actually going to the Sudan with our colleague, Frank Wolf, and seeing firsthand those things that are mentioned in this bill. At that time, we had passed a resolution that I had introduced into the House. It was passed by the Senate as well, and Frank Wolf and I personally delivered it to John Gurang in southern Sudan.
Later on, we went back through Ethiopia and flew into Khartoum. We were joined by our colleagues, the late Mickey Leeland and Bill Emerson and also Mike McNulty, where we presented the same resolution to Sadik El Machti.
Basically what we called for at that time was a cessation in the hostilities so that the food could travel throughout the country and that innocent starving people could be fed, but that was not to be.
We had a very difficult time during those years getting the attention of the Congress and anybody else to the fact that a genocide was being committed again in our time, a religious genocide by the government of the north trying to kill by starvation the black Christian population in the south of Sudan.
Sadly to say, 15 years later that is still going on. The good thing is we now have the concentration of the Congress on this issue. People do know what is happening. Unlike the resolution that we presented basically calling upon them, this current resolution actually has some teeth, and hopefully it will do some good.
Again, I thank the Chairman for expeditiously bringing this up.
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PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE GARY L. ACKERMAN, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK
H. CON. RES. 145, CONDEMNING THE RECENT ORDER BY THE TALIBAN REGIME TO REQUIRE HINDUS IN AFGHANISTAN TO WEAR SYMBOLS IDENTIFYING THEM AS HINDU
I want to thank the Chairman for expeditiously bringing this up, and I want to thank especially Mr. Engel for introducing this resolution in a nonpartisan way with so many co-sponsors, both on the Committee and throughout the House of Representatives.
Mr. Chairman, I thought that we had gone past the era of the kind of hate that took place during World War II. I was able to secure through an auction house this actual badge that was worn during the Nazi era by Jews. Jews were forced in all of the countries that were taken over by the Third Reich to wear these as arm bands on their clothing so that people would be able to know who the Jews were and who they were not.
It was on August 8, 1940, that Hitler's army marched into Denmark. Shortly thereafter, the foreign minister resigned. The story goes around that within two years the Germans required all of the Jews to not only wear these, but then ordered the deportation of the Jews to the concentration camps in that country. On that day that the order was given, the entire government of Denmark resigned rather than participate in filling out the orders.
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That morning, as the sun rose over Copenhagen, it is reported that King Christian X, the King of Denmark, appeared in the street wearing this yellow arm band on his sleeve. When that news went around throughout the country, the Danes came out of their houses all wearing pieces of yellow cloth so that people were not able to distinguish who the small Jewish community was amongst them and at that time be able to deport them into camps.
They were not Jews. They were human beings. It does not take somebody who is Jewish to understand this, and it does not take somebody who is Christian to understand the problems in the Sudan. It does not take somebody who is a Hindu to understand the kind of terrible fear and anxiety that must be going through that small population in Afghanistan that is suffering under this threat that is about to be implemented by the Taliban.
On the day that happens, I believe that we are all Hindus, or we are all Jews, or we are all Christians. We all belong to humankind, and when any group of people, no matter how small, no matter how different than we are, is threatened with extinction, annihilation, persecution or any other terrible thing that we must all identify with them.
I would suggest in addition to passing this resolution, Mr. Chairman, that on the day that the Taliban enforces that resolution that those of us who would like to do so on this Committee and in the House of Representatives wear yellow bands, for that day, that say I am a Hindu so that these people do not feel so tragically alone because they know what the future holds in store for them, if history be any judge.
I thank Mr. Engel for his sensitivity in bringing this up and the Subcommittee for bringing it to our attention and to the Chairman for bringing it to the Committee.
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