SPEAKERS CONTENTS INSERTS
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2002
U.S. POLICY TOWARD SYRIA AND THE SYRIA ACCOUNTABILITY ACT
HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE MIDDLE EAST
AND SOUTH ASIA
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED SEVENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
ON
H.R. 4483
SEPTEMBER 18, 2002
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Serial No. 107–119
Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations
Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.house.gov/international—relations
COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois, Chairman
BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa
DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey
DAN BURTON, Indiana
ELTON GALLEGLY, California
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida
CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina
DANA ROHRABACHER, California
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California
PETER T. KING, New York
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio
AMO HOUGHTON, New York
JOHN M. McHUGH, New York
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JOHN COOKSEY, Louisiana
THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado
RON PAUL, Texas
NICK SMITH, Michigan
JOSEPH R. PITTS, Pennsylvania
DARRELL E. ISSA, California
ERIC CANTOR, Virginia
JEFF FLAKE, Arizona
BRIAN D. KERNS, Indiana
JO ANN DAVIS, Virginia
MARK GREEN, Wisconsin
TOM LANTOS, California
HOWARD L. BERMAN, California
GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York
ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American Samoa
DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
CYNTHIA A. McKINNEY, Georgia
EARL F. HILLIARD, Alabama
BRAD SHERMAN, California
ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
JIM DAVIS, Florida
ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York
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WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts
GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
BARBARA LEE, California
JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York
JOSEPH M. HOEFFEL, Pennsylvania
EARL BLUMENAUER, Oregon
SHELLEY BERKLEY, Nevada
GRACE NAPOLITANO, California
ADAM B. SCHIFF, California
DIANE E. WATSON, California
THOMAS E. MOONEY, SR., Staff Director/General Counsel
ROBERT R. KING, Democratic Staff Director
Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia
BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York, Chairman
DAN BURTON, Indiana
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio
JOHN M. McHUGH, New York
JOSEPH R. PITTS, Pennsylvania
DARRELL E. ISSA, California
ERIC CANTOR, Virginia
JO ANN DAVIS, Virginia
DANA ROHRABACHER, California
PETER T. KING, New York
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JOHN COOKSEY, Louisiana
GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York
HOWARD L. BERMAN, California
BRAD SHERMAN, California
ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York
JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York
JOSEPH M. HOEFFEL, Pennsylvania
SHELLEY BERKLEY, Nevada
ADAM B. SCHIFF, California
HILLEL WEINBERG, Subcommittee Staff Director & Counsel
DAVID S. ADAMS, Democratic Professional Staff Member
DEBORAH BODLANDER, Professional Staff Member
PAUL BERKOWITZ, Professional Staff Member
MATTHEW ZWEIG, Staff Associate
C O N T E N T S
WITNESSES
The Honorable Richard K. Armey, a Representative in Congress from the State of Texas
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The Honorable Eliot L. Engel, a Representative in Congress from the State of New York
Elias Saadi, Council of Lebanese American Organizations
The Honorable Edward M. Gabriel, President, American Task Force for Lebanon
The Honorable William A. Reinsch, President, National Foreign Trade Council, Inc.
Matthew A. Levitt, Senior Fellow, Washington Institute for Near East Policy
LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING
The Honorable Benjamin A. Gilman, a Representative in Congress from the State of New York, and Chairman, Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia: Prepared statement
The Honorable Richard K. Armey: Prepared statement
The Honorable Eliot L. Engel: Prepared statement
The Honorable Gary L. Ackerman, a Representative in Congress from the State of New York: Prepared statement
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Elias Saadi: Prepared statement
The Honorable Edward M. Gabriel: Prepared statement
The Honorable William A. Reinsch: Prepared statement
Matthew A. Levitt: Prepared statement
APPENDIX
The Honorable David Satterfield, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs: Prepared statement
The Honorable Darrell E. Issa, a Representative in Congress from the State of California: Prepared statement
The Honorable Robert Wexler, a Representative in Congress from the State of Florida: Prepared statement
The Honorable Joseph Crowley, a Representative in Congress from the State of New York: Prepared statement
The Honorable Shelley Berkley, a Representative in Congress from the State of Nevada: Prepared statement
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American Task Force for Lebanon—The Minority Report
The Lebanese Information Center: Prepared statement
Archie W. Dunham, Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer, Conoco Inc.: Prepared statement
Patriarch Disclaims Aoun's Support of U.S. Sanctions Against Syria
Addoum: Aoun, others could face charges: Article by Youssef Diab, Daily Star correspondent dated September 23, 2002
Rumsfeld on Iraq: 'Goal is disarmament': From CNN.com, dated September 23, 2002
''Dear Colleague'' letter from the Honorable Nick J. Rahall, a Representative in Congress from the State of West Virginia, and the Honorable John D. Dingell, a Representative in Congress from the State of Michigan, dated June 11, 2002
Letter from the Honorable Paul Kelly, Assistant Secretary, Legislative Affairs, U.S. Department of State to the Honorable Nick J. Rahall, dated May 24, 2002, and enclosures
Article from the Israeli newspaper, Haaretz, dated September 2, 2002, by Ze'ev Schiff, entitled ''Syria has allowed hundreds of Qaida men to settle in Lebanon''
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Supporters of H.R. 4483—Syria Accountability Act of 2002
U.S. POLICY TOWARD SYRIA AND THE SYRIA ACCOUNTABILITY ACT
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 18, 2002
House of Representatives,
Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia,
Committee on International Relations,
Washington, DC.
The Subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10:04 a.m. in Room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Benjamin A. Gilman, Chairman, presiding.
Mr. GILMAN. The Committee will come to order. Will the Members please take their seats. Due to time constraints, besides my opening statement, we will forego all other openings.
It's my pleasure to welcome our witnesses today, and as soon as they arrive, we will be able to get started.
In his June 24th address on the Middle East, President Bush put Syria on notice, stating that:
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''Syria must choose the right side in the war on terror by closing terrorist camps and expelling terrorist organizations.''
Yet Syria's words and actions since then have not been those of a state that shares our commitment, both to our twin goals of eradicating global terrorism and fostering stability in the Middle East.
Rather, with a few exceptions taken in its self-interest, Syria had demonstrated that it continues to actively undermine the basis for our campaigning against terrorism and our initiatives aimed at ending the violence in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza.
According to the State Department's report on Patterns on Global Terrorism—2001, Syria continued to provide ''safe haven and logistics support to Hezbollah, HAMAS, Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and other terrorist organizations.''
Syria's President Bashar al-Assad has allowed Hezbollah, the Lebanese terrorist group under his patronage, to intensify its military activities along Israel's northern border. Working closely with Iran, Syria has facilitated the transfer of thousands of rockets and other weaponry to Hezbollah, boosting their arsenal and significantly improving their ability to carry out terror attacks against Israel. Of the seven state sponsors on the Administration's list, only Syria rivals Iran in its unabashed support for terrorism.
In addition to Syria's support for terrorism, Syria continues its illegal occupation of Lebanon in contravention of United Nations Security Council Resolutions 425 and 520.
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Through its occupation of Lebanon, it undermines democracy and development there, providing protection for criminal enterprises, such as the growth and production of drugs and of Western and Arab currency counterfeiting in the Bekaa Valley of Lebanon, whose profits serve to finance the activities of Hezbollah and other terrorist organizations.
Even as America prepares for what appears to be an inevitable confrontation with Iraq, recent press reports indicate that the Syrians have been busy supplying Saddam Hussein with weapons. Syria also continues to serve as a conduit for illegal oil exports. Moreover, there is a direct pipeline from Iraq into Syria from which Iraq derives illicit profits in the billions of dollars.
These actions not only constitute a direct violation of resolutions passed by the very body that it serves on—the U.N. Security Council—but they will only help to strengthen Saddam even as he prepares to confront our nation.
Syria's support for terrorism, aid to Saddam Hussein's regime, and other illicit activities not only jeopardize the post-September 11th international consensus delegitimizing terrorism, but it compromises our ability to procure peace and stability in the region. Our nation respond accordingly.
H.R. 4483, the Syria Accountability Act of 2002, is one such response, and I want to take this opportunity to thank our distinguished Majority Leader, the gentleman from Texas, Mr. Armey, and the distinguished Member of our Committee, the gentleman from New York, Mr. Engel, for their leadership in introducing this important piece of legislation that's before us today. I want to congratulate them for their good work.
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The Syria Accountability Act would prohibit exporting any item on the United States Munitions List or Commerce Control List of duel-use items in the Export Administration Regulations.
It would prohibit the provision of any U.S. assistance to our U.S. businesses with respect to investment or other activities in Syria, or conducting Overseas Private Investment Corporation and Trade Development Agency programs in or with respect to Syria. It also directs our President to impose two or more on a list of other sanctions against Syria.
The Administration contends that the Syria Accountability Act ''ties its hands at a very important moment,'' and that ''this is not the right time for legislative initiatives that could complicate or even undermine the efforts of the State Department.''
It's important for the Administration to take into account that many of its sanctions are subject to waiver and the entire sanctions regime would be obviated if Syria were to behave like a normal state. It's also important to note these are not secondary sanctions, and they do not effect third countries, and, as a result, have little impact on our commercial and diplomatic ties with Syria's major trading partners.
As our President so eloquently articulated, states and their leaders are either with us or against us in our war on terrorism—there is no room for hesitation, no room for wavering if a regime is to be truly considered an ally in our war on terror. Only when our nation comes to adopt this determined approach with regard to the Syrian regime will that regime be faced with the difficult dilemma of whether to acquiesce to American and international pressure and fundamentally alter Syrian policy, or face further alienation. Normal U.S.-Syrian bilateral relations must be contingent upon the reversal of policies which are harmful to U.S. interest.
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[The prepared statement of Mr. Gillman follows:]
PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK, AND CHAIRMAN, SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE MIDDLE EAST AND SOUTH ASIA
In his June 24th address on the Middle East, President Bush put Syria on notice, stating that ''Syria must choose the right side in the war on terror by closing terrorist camps and expelling terrorist organizations.'' Yet Syria's words and actions since then have not been those of a state that shares our commitment both to our twin goals of eradicating global terrorism and fostering stability in the Middle East. Rather, with a few exceptions taken in its own self- interest, Syria has demonstrated that it continues to actively undermine the basis for our campaign against terrorism and our initiatives aimed at ending the violence in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza.
According to the State Department's report on Patterns of Global Terrorism—2001, Syria continued to provide ''safe haven and logistics support to Hezbollah, HAMAS, Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and other terrorist organizations.'' Syria's President Bashar al-Assad has allowed Hezbollah, the Lebanese terrorist group under his patronage, to intensify its military activities along Israel's northern border. Working closely with Iran, Syria has facilitated the transfer of thousands of rockets and other weaponry to Hezbollah, boosting their arsenal and significantly improving their ability to carry out terror attacks against Israel. Of the seven state sponsors on the Administration's list, only Syria rivals Iran in its unabashed support for terrorism.
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In addition to Syria's support for terrorism, Syria continues its illegal occupation of Lebanon in contravention of United Nations Security Council Resolutions 425 and 520. Through its occupation of Lebanon, it undermines democracy and development there. It provides protection for criminal enterprises, such as the growth and production of drugs and of Western and Arab currency counterfeiting in the Bekaa Valley of Lebanon, whose profits serve to finance the activities of Hezbollah and other terrorist organizations.
And even as America prepares for what appears to be an inevitable confrontation with Iraq, recent press reports indicate that the Syrians are busy supplying Saddam Hussein with weapons. Syria also continues to serve as a conduit for illegal Iraqi oil exports. Moreover, there is a direct pipeline from Iraq into Syria from which Iraq derives illicit profits. These actions not only constitute a direct violation of resolutions passed by the very body that it serves on—the U.N. Security Council—but they will only help to strengthen Saddam even as he prepares to confront the United States.
Syria's support for terrorism, aid to Saddam Hussein's regime, and other illicit activities not only jeopardize the post-September 11th international consensus delegitimizing terrorism, but it compromises our ability to procure peace and stability in the region.
The United States must respond accordingly.
H.R. 4483, the Syria Accountability Act of 2002, is one such response, and I would like take this opportunity to thank our distinguished Majority Leader from Texas, Mr. Armey, and the distinguished Member of our Committee, Mr. Engel for their leadership in introducing this important piece of legislation, and congratulate them for their good work.
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The Syria Accountability Act would prohibit exporting any item on the United States Munitions List or Commerce Control List of dual-use items in the Export Administration Regulations. It would prohibit the provision of any U.S. assistance to U.S. businesses with respect to investment or other activities in Syria, or conducting Overseas Private Investment Corporation and Trade Development Agency programs in or with respect to Syria. It also directs the President to impose two or more on a list of other sanctions against Syria.
The Administration contends that the Syria Accountability Act ''ties its hands at a very important moment, and that ''this is not the right time for legislative initiatives that could complicate or even undermine'' the efforts of the State Department. It is important for the Administration to take into account that many of the of the sanctions are subject to waiver and the entire sanctions regime is obviated if Syria behaves like a normal state. It is also important to note that these are not secondary sanctions, and they do not affect third countries, and, as a result, have little impact on our commercial and diplomatic ties with Syria's major trading partners.
As the President so eloquently articulated, states and their leaders are either with us or against us in the war on terrorism—there is no room for hesitation, no room for wavering, if a regime is to be truly considered an ally in our war on terror. Only when the U.S. comes to adopt this determined approach with regard to the Syrian regime, will that regime be faced with the difficult dilemma of whether to acquiesce to American and international pressure and fundamentally alter Syrian policy, or face further alienation. Normal U.S.-Syrian bilateral relations must be contingent upon the reversal of policies which are harmful to U.S. interests.
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Mr. GILMAN. We regret that Ambassador David Satterfield, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs will be unable to be with us.
We now call on our witnesses, and it's my pleasure to introduce our distinguished Majority Leader, who will soon be leaving us, regrettably, along with my unnecessary involuntary retirement.
It is my pleasure to ask our distinguished Majority Leader, Mr. Armey, the gentleman from Texas, who has had a long and distinguished career in public service to give us his testimony on his important bill. Thank you for being here, Mr. Majority Leader.
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE RICHARD K. ARMEY, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF TEXAS
Mr. ARMEY. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me say, first of all, it's a pleasure to be here.
Mr. GILMAN. Would you press your button on your microphone?
Mr. ARMEY. My buttons, got you. I always prefer to push my own buttons, Mr. Chairman, and I thank you.
It is a pleasure to be here, and it is a pleasure, Mr. Chairman, to be here before you in front of your portrait, which I might say doesn't make you look near as young and handsome as you are in fact.
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Mr. GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Majority Leader.
Mr. ARMEY. It's a particular pleasure for me to be here with my co-sponsor, Mr. Engel, a Member of your Committee.
I should caution you, Mr. Chairman, that because I take foreign affairs as seriously as I do, and consider the subject to be one where subtleties matter in the way things are expressed, I will read my statement. It's been carefully written, and I think in reading it enables me to make the most precise clarity and minimize the chance for things to be misunderstood.
However, as I mentioned to you on the Floor yesterday, since I am not a man of your experience in travel, I must advise you that I am likely to mispronounce half of the Middle East in this discussion, and for that I will make my apologies ahead of time.
Let me just say to be here to speak with Mr. Engel on behalf of H.R. 4483, the Syrian Accountability Act 2002, is, I think, a very serious business. And I dare say, we both have taken it quite seriously.
Syria has been on the State Department's terrorist list since 1979. There are seven countries currently on the terrorist list. The United States has sanctions against, and has broken normal relations with five of the seven nations on that list. Those five nations are Iran, Iraq, North Korea, Libya and Cuba. The House passed the Sudan Peace Act in response to its concern with the sixth country, Sudan.
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Now I come to speak about my concerns about the seventh, and to question whether we should have normal, sanction-free relations with Syria.
As we continue to wage war on terrorism, Syria is a country that enjoys full diplomatic relations with the United States, trade relations with the United States companies, and receives significant foreign aid from some our closest allies, while it simultaneous cuddles up to Saddam Hussien's regime, protects some of the world's most active terrorist organizations within its borders, and repeatedly violates international law.
During my testimony today, I will review the threats that Syria poses through its support of terrorism, its occupation of Lebanon, its development of weapons of mass destruction, and its illegal importation of Iraqi oil. These are threats to the United States and its allies around the world.
Our inaction on holding Syria accountable for its dangerous activities could seriously diminish our efforts on the war on terrorism and our efforts in brokering a viable peace in the Middle East.
Syria should be held accountable for its record of harboring and supporting terrorist groups; stockpiling illegal weapons in an effort to develop weapons of mass destruction; and transferring weapons and oil back and forth through Iraq.
In his June 24th speech, President Bush made a very clear statement of U.S. policy, and I quote,
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''Nations are either with us or against us in the war on terror.''
In that speech, he also laid down the gauntlet for Syria. He said,
''Syria must chose the right side in the war on terror by closing terrorist camps and expelling terrorist organizations.''
A year has now passed, and the deadline for this choice has come and gone. The Congress of the United States cannot allow Syria to continue activities that pose a threat to the United States and our allies without consequence.
As evidence for our serious support of terror, let me say, that while Syria publicly condemned the terrorist attacks of 9–11, for decades, it has harbored, sheltered, and sponsored terrorist organizations insides its borders; and within borders of areas it controls in Lebanon.
There are reports from reliable news sources, such as the respected Israeli newspaper, Haaretz, to the effect that Damascus has allowed some 150 to 200 al-Qaeda terrorists to settle in Palestinian refugee camps in southern Lebanon within the last year. We need to take these reports seriously and continuously monitor both sides for evidence of a relationship between the two.
I have been advised that Syria is a secular dictatorship and likely holds no affection for the fundamentalist views of al-Qaeda. Still, it has made common cause with Sunni extremists in Hamas and Shia extremists in Hezbollah.
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My concern is whether Syria supports and sponsors any terrorist organization whatsoever. It is a quibble to me to say that Syria supports this terrorist organization, but not that one. Even if the question of al-Qaeda is open in the minds of some, we know for sure Damascus is a haven to more than one terrorist group.
Hezbollah is headquartered in Damascus and they effect a global threat by maintaining a terrorist network in Europe, Africa, South America, North American and Asia. They are the radical terrorist group that until 9–11 had claimed the most American lives in terrorist attacks.
It was Hezbollah who masterminded the bombing of the U.S. Embassy and the U.S. Marine Barracks in Beruit in 1983 that killed more than 300 people, including 243 Americans. We also know that Hezbollah would not be able to launch attacks against Israel from southern Lebanon without Syrian acquiescence and approval, which brings me to the point of Syria's forceful control of Lebanon.
Since the early 1980s, Syria has maintained an illegal military occupation of southern Lebanon with 25,000 troops operating under the guise of maintaining peace between the factions. Syria has created a front line of terrorist incursion into Israel on Lebanon's border.
The U.S. National Commission on Terrorism reported last year that the Syrian government ''still provides terrorists with safe haven; allows them to operate over a dozen terrorist-training camps in the Syrian-controlled Bekaa Valley in Lebanon, and permits the Iranian government to resupply these camps.''
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It is also widely believed that the Bekaa Valley and Syrian-occupied Lebanon serve as the epicenter for training the world's most dangerous terrorists. The Bekaa is a one-stop shop for terrorist training. Terrorists from every corner of the international community come together in training camps to learn how to conduct lethal operations.
Terrorists learn how to transform themselves into suicide bombers. They also learn how to utilize various types of weapons, including long-range katyusha rockets, high-explosive anti-tank mines, and modern plastic explosives.
The effects of this comprehensive training can be seen in such devastating acts as the 1996 Khobar Towers bombing. Other attacks that originated from Bekaa Valley include the kidnapping and murder of former CIA bureau station chief William Buckley in 1984.
Such groups as al-Qaeda, Al-Jihad, Hamas, the Japanese Red Army, Abu Nidal's organization, Force 17, New People's Army, the IRA, Chechen rebels, Fatah, the Red Brigade, Palestinian Islamic Jihad and the Medellin Drug Cartel are just some of the terrorist organizations who have received training in the Bekaa valley and continue to operate there today.
Another factor of concern in Syria's illegal import of Iraqi oil through the pipeline in direct violation of U.N. Resolution 661 and subsequent resolutions prohibiting commerce with Iraq's oil and gas sector outside the Oil-for-Food Program. Syria imports about 200,000 barrels of Iraqi crude oil a day, allowing Damascus to sell more of its domestically-produced petroleum for profit and totaling approximately $1.1 billion annual profit for both countries.
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State Department spokesman Richard Bocher noted on February 14, 2002, that Syria is now a member of the United Nations Security Council. As such, it bears a special responsibility with regard to the implementation of U.N. Security Council resolutions.
Given the seriousness of this oil pipeline issue, you can be sure that we will continue to press Syria to live up to its responsibilities to respect Security Council resolutions and to ensure that its actions contribute to international peace and security.
Unfortunately, Syria has not lived up to these expectations, nor has President Assad fulfilled a personal promise he made to Secretary of State Colin Powell on February 2001 that the pipeline earnings would be placed under the U.N. sanctions regime or alternatively, shut down.
Western intelligence sources have also discovered that Iraq is using Syria for smuggling in military systems and other banned material to Saddam Hussien. Iraqi opposition sources believe that Iraq has obtained medium-ranged SCUD-class missiles through Syria as part of Iraq's efforts to bolster its military against U.S. attack.
In addition, recent reports claim that Syria is brokering the sale of sophisticated Ukrainian military radar systems to Iraq. For the past decade, the Syrians have enhanced their ability to manufacture several hundred tons of chemical warfare agents per year, including sarin mustard gas and VX at four separate production facilities.
In addition to stockpiling chemical weapons, Syria has received, via Iran, hundreds of extend-ranged North Korean SCUD–C missiles and is building its own ballistic missiles from imported technology. These weapons are deployed in deep, well-protected underground shelters. Two years ago, Syria began testing a long-ranged SCUD–D missile able to hit any point in Israel from deep inside Syrian territory often undetectable to Israel radar.
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The presence of these strategic weapons not only threatens the Israeli cities, but also could target Israel Defense Force military bases, and therefore, hinder Israel's ability to mobilize its army reserves quickly in the event of war. Longer ranged weapons systems allow the Syrians to hide their missiles deep in their own territory while still threatening our friends.
Mr. Chairman, you have already summarized what the legislation requires, and I think I've given a fairly comprehensive summary of why we hold this high concern about Syria. The fact of the matter is in the world of terrorist threat, you have to recognize that Syria is an actively-engaged perpetrator working in collusion with the world's most dangerous terrorist organizations.
First of all, it amazes me that they would be allowed to sit on the U.N. Security Council, but then, to have this callous disregard for the requirements of that council is an offense that the U.N. should not tolerate.
We, in the United States, cannot take all the other nations on the terrorist list and hold against them sanctions and let Syria continue unabated and unresponded. I believe I dare speak for both myself and Mr. Engel. Neither of us would have preferred to have been here today asking this Committee to act on this resolution.
Both of us would have preferred to have seen responsible behavior from Syria. We were both assured by many people that we ought to withhold from being here today because, as we were so assured, Syria is trying to do better.
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Well, Mr. Chairman, I don't think Syria is trying to do better. I see no evidence that Syria is trying to do better. For us to hold sanctions against other nations on the terrorist list, and turn a blind eye to what is happening in Syria today, I think is an oversight that only invites other nations to duplicate their trespasses.
So I am here with my co-sponsor, Mr. Engel, and I think we can say again, both of us here, reluctantly, but with resolve, asking this Committee to move forward with this resolution. I thank you for your attention.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Armey follows:]
PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE RICHARD K. ARMEY, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF TEXAS
Mr. Chairman and members of the Subcommittee,
Thank you for inviting me to speak today on behalf of H.R. 4483, the Syria Accountability Act of 2002. Syria has been on the State Department's terrorist list since 1979. There are seven countries currently on the terrorist list. The United States has sanctions against and has broken normal relations with five of the seven nations on the list. Those five nations are: Iran, Iraq, North Korea, Libya, and Cuba. The House passed the Sudan Peace Act in response to its concerns with the sixth country, Sudan. Now, I come to speak about my concerns with the seventh, and question whether we should have normal, sanction-free relations with Syria.
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As we continue to wage war on terrorism, Syria is a country that enjoys full diplomatic relations with the United States, trade relations with U.S. companies, and receives significant foreign aid from some of our closest allies, while simultaneously cuddling up to Saddam Hussein's regime, protecting some of the world's most active terrorist organizations within its borders, and repeatedly violating international law.
During my testimony today I will review the threats that Syria poses through its support of terrorism, its occupation of Lebanon, its development of weapons of mass destruction, and its illegal importation of Iraqi oil. These are threats to the United States and its allies around the world. Our inaction in holding Syria accountable for its dangerous activities could seriously diminish our efforts in the war on terrorism and our efforts in brokering a viable peace in the Middle East.
Syria should be held accountable for its record of harboring and supporting terrorist groups, stockpiling illegal weapons in an effort to develop weapons of mass destruction, and transferring weapons and oil back and forth through Iraq. In his June 24th speech, President Bush made a very clear statement of U.S. policy: ''nations are either with us or against us in the war on terror.'' In that speech, he also laid down the gauntlet for Syria: ''Syria must choose the right side in the war on terror by closing terrorist camps and expelling terrorist organizations.''
A year has now passed, and the deadline for this choice has come and gone. The Congress of the United States cannot allow Syria to continue activities that pose a threat to the United States and our allies without consequence.
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EVIDENCE OF SYRIA'S SUPPORT FOR TERROR:
While Syria publicly condemned the terrorist attacks of 9–11, for decades it has harbored, sheltered, and sponsored terrorist organizations inside its borders—and within the borders of areas it controls in Lebanon.
There are reports from reliable news sources, such as the respected Israeli newspaper ''Ha'aretz'', to the effect that Damascus has allowed some 150–200 al-Qaeda terrorists to settle in a Palestinian refugee camp in southern Lebanon within the last year. We need to take these reports seriously and continuously monitor both sides for evidence of a relationship between the two.
I have been advised that Syria, as a secular dictatorship likely holds no affection for the fundamentalist views of al-Qaeda, still, it has made common cause with both Sunni extremists in Hamas, and Shia extremists in Hezbollah. My concern is whether Syria supports and sponsors any terrorist organization at all. It is a quibble to me to say that Syria supports ''this'' terrorist organization but not ''that'' one.
Even if the question of al-Qaeda support is open in the minds of some, we know for sure Damascus is a haven to more than one terrorist group. Hezbollah is headquartered in Damascus and they effect a global threat by maintaining a terrorist network in Europe, Africa, South America, North America, and Asia. They are the radical terrorist group that, until 9/11, had claimed the most American lives in terrorist attacks.
It was Hezbollah who masterminded the bombing of the U.S. embassy and U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut in 1983 that killed more than 300 people, including 243 Americans.
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We also know that Hezbollah would not be able to launch attacks against Israel from southern Lebanon without Syrian acquiescence and approval, which brings me to the point of Syria's forcible control of Lebanon.
Since the early 1980s, Syria has maintained an illegal military occupation of southern Lebanon with 25,000 troops operating under the guise of maintaining peace between factions. Syria has created a front line for terrorist incursion into Israel on Lebanon's border.
The U.S. National Commission on Terrorism reported last year that the Syrian government ''still provides terrorists with safe haven, allows them to operate over a dozen terrorist training camps in the Syrian-controlled Bekaa Valley in Lebanon, and permits the Iranian government to re-supply these camps.''
It is also widely believed that the Bekaa Valley in Syria-occupied Lebanon serves as the epicenter for training the world's most dangerous terrorists. The Bekaa is a one-stop shop for terrorist training. Terrorists from every corner of the international community come together in training camps to learn how to conduct lethal operations. Terrorists learn how to transform themselves into suicide bombers. They also learn how to utilize various types of weapons, including long-range Katyusha rockets, high-explosive anti-tank mines and modern plastic explosives. The effects of this comprehensive training can be seen in such devastating acts as the 1996 Khobar Towers bombing. Other attacks that originated from the Bekaa Valley include the kidnapping and murder of former CIA Beirut station chief William Buckley in 1984.
Such groups as Al-Qaeda, Al-Jihad (Egyptian Islamic Jihad) Hamas, Hezbollah, the Japanese Red Army, Abu Nidal's organization, Force-17, New People's Army (Phillipines), the IRA, Chechen Rebels, Fatah, the Red Brigade, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and the Medellin Drug Cartel are just some of the terrorist organizations who have received training in the Valley and continue to operate there today.
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Illegal oil importation and Iraq:
Another factor of concern is Syria's illegal import of Iraqi oil through the Kirkuk-Banias pipeline, in direct violation of U.N. Resolution 661 and subsequent resolutions prohibiting commerce with Iraq's oil and gas sector outside the ''oil-for-food'' program.
Syria imports about 200,000 barrels of Iraqi crude oil a day, allowing Damascus to sell more of its domestically produced petroleum for profit, totaling approximately $1.1 billion annual profit for both countries.
State Department spokesman Richard Boucher noted on February 14, 2002, ''Syria is now a member of the United Nations Security Council. As such, it bears a special responsibility with regard to implementation of U.N. Security Council resolutions. Given the seriousness of this [oil pipeline] issue, you can be sure that we will continue to press Syria to live up to its responsibilities to respect Security Council resolutions and to ensure that its actions contribute to international peace and security.''
Unfortunately, Syria has not lived up to these expectations, nor has President Assad fulfilled a personal promise he made to Secretary of State Colin Powell in February 2001 that the pipeline earnings would be placed under the U.N. sanctions regime, or alternatively shut down.
Western intelligence sources have also discovered that Iraq is using Syria for smuggling military systems and other banned material to Saddam Hussein. Iraqi opposition sources believe that Iraq has obtained medium-range Scud-class missiles through Syria as part of Iraq's efforts to bolster its military against a U.S. attack. In addition, recent reports claim that Syria is brokering the sale of a sophisticated Ukrainian military radar system to Iraq.
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Syria developing weapons of mass destruction
For the past decade, the Syrians have enhanced their ability to manufacture several hundred tons of chemical warfare agents per year, including sarin, mustard gas and VX, at four separate production facilities. In addition to stockpiling chemical weapons, Syria has received, via Iran, hundreds of extended-range North Korean Scud-C missiles, and is building its own ballistic missiles from imported technology. These weapons are deployed in deep, well-protected underground shelters. Two years ago, Syria began testing a longer-range Scud-D missile, able to hit any point in Israel from deep inside Syrian territory, often undetectable to Israeli radars.
The presence of these strategic weapons not only threatens Israeli cities, but could also target Israeli Defense Force military bases and thereby hinder Israel's ability to mobilize its army reserves quickly in the event of war. Longer-range weapons systems allow the Syrians to hide their missiles deeper in their own territory while still threatening our friends.
WHAT THE LEGISLATION REQUIRES:
Given the dangers the current Syrian regime poses to a variety of U.S. interests in the Middle East, the Syrian Accountability Act of 2002 was introduced in April of this year by Eliot Engel, my colleague and member of this Subcommittee, and me. This bill currently has over 155 cosponsors. I urge the Subcommittee to pass this important piece of legislation as quickly as possible.
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In response to our knowledge of Syria's continuing activities, four criteria must be met by Syria in order for normal relations with the United States to return. The first criteria is an end to its support for terrorism, evidenced by closing the offices of the Palestinian terror groups, cleaning out the Lebanese Bekaa Valley, ending all contacts with and harboring of terrorist groups, and complying fully with the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373. Secondly, Syria must withdraw its armed forces from Lebanon, complying with United Nations Security Council Resolutions 425 and 520. A halt to the development and procurement of weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles is the third requirement. There is concern within the current Administration regarding the combination of Iraq's Scud missiles and weapons of mass destruction. Of equal concern is the Syrian force of hundreds of Scud missiles topped with unconventional warheads and the potential threat it poses. Lastly, Syria must halt violations of United Nations arms and oil sanctions against Iraq.
Unless the President can certify that Syria has ceased these dangerous activities, he must impose several penalties, including a ban on military and dual-use exports to Syria, and a ban on any financial assistance to U.S. businesses for their investment or other activities in Syria.
The President must also impose two additional penalties from a menu of six options that include: the prohibition of the export of U.S. products to Syria; the prohibition of U.S. businesses investing and operating in Syria; the restriction of Syrian diplomats in Washington, D.C. and at the United Nations in New York; the prohibition of any Syrian owned or controlled aircraft to take off, land, or fly over the United States, the reduction of U.S. diplomatic contacts with Syria, and the blockage of any property transactions under U.S. jurisdiction in which the Syrian government may have an interest. Virtually all of these sanctions are currently enforced against the other six countries on the U.S. terrorist list.
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When Secretary of State Powell went to Syria last April, he sought to give a hard wake-up call to the Syrian people and their leaders that the United States was serious about its commitments to see through the war on terror. Instead, Powell's message fell on deaf ears, as masses of protesters carried pictures of Hezbollah leader Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah and Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat while shouting in the streets, ''Death to America, Death to Israel'' and ''We want to say the truth: We loathe America. Powell get out of here.'' The message he has since received from the Syrian government has been far more diplomatic, but unchanged.
I urge you to move swiftly in passing the Syria Accountability Act into law. Two months ago, the President urged Syria to take the right side in the war on terrorism. Congress should pass this legislation in an ongoing effort by the United States to convince Syria, a sitting member of the U.N. Security Council, to foster security instead of fostering war.
This bill provides both penalties and incentives for Syria to change its behaviour and it responsibly includes a national security waiver for most of the sanctions, as well as exemptions for food and medicine.
Mr. GILMAN. Thank you, Majority Leader Armey. We appreciate your candid analysis of what is occurring in Syria today. And as we are engaged in our war on terrorism, it is especially important for us to consider all of the aspects of what you are setting forth before our Committee. We will assure that it will get full attention.
I know that you have a heavy schedule and have to be excused at this time, but we thank you for providing us with your testimony.
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Mr. ARMEY. Thank you. My apologies to the Committee and to my kind co-sponsor, but I do have to rush to a leadership meeting.
Mr. GILMAN. Thank you, again, Mr. Armey.
I want to welcome Congressman Eliot Engel, a distinguished Member of this Subcommittee, and a representative for the 19th District of New York which will soon include portions of my congressional district. Welcome, Mr. Engel.
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE ELIOT L. ENGEL, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Mr. ENGEL. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Let me say the distinguished Majority Leader took credit for the discussion about your portrait. I want to go on record as saying that I'm the one that pointed it out to him.
Certainly, as I take in part of the district that you so wonderfully served all these years, I just want to say that you don't have big shoes to fill, you have impossible shoes to fill.
As a colleague of yours, I want to say how much I have cherished your friendship through these 14 years that I have served in Congress. Thank you very much for everything you've done for New York and for America.
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Mr. GILMAN. I thank you for your kind words. Please, proceed.
Mr. ENGEL. It's a great honor for me to sponsor this bill along with the Majority Leader. It shows how this bill not only has such deep bipartisan support. It's certainly the right thing for us to do.
Mr. Chairman, and Members of the Subcommittee, the people of the United States are beginning a serious debate about undertaking a military campaign to effect a regime change in Iraq. Not only did Iraq occupy Kuwait in 1990, but it is on the State Department's list of terrorist nations, and is developing weapons of mass destruction. It consistently violates the U.N. Security Council sanctions adopted at the end of the Gulf War.
Yet while Iraq rightfully remains a national priority, we are overlooking another country which is committing comparable violations. This country is playing a similarly de-stabilizing role in the Middle East, and this country, of course, is Syria.
Syria has been on the State Department's terrorist list since the inception of the list in 1979. So it's always been on the State Department's list of countries that support, aid and abet terrorism.
Syria has occupied and controlled Lebanon for over 2 decades with 25,000 troops under the guise of maintaining peace between Lebanese factions. It possesses an expanding fleet of SCUD missiles, which can deliver its arsenal of chemical weapons, and it is in serious violation of the oil and arms sales sanctions against Iraq.
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While we have no conclusive evidence of ties between Iraq and al-Qaeda, ties between Syria and al-Qaeda are widely reported. According to the highly regarded journalist, Ze'ev Schiff, Syria recently allowed 150 to 200 al-Qaeda operatives to enter a Palestinian refuge camp. I ask unanimous consent to submit a copy of this article for the record.
Mr. ISSA. I object.
Mr. ENGEL. Okay, I'm sorry my colleague objects, but I will state exactly what happened and the allegations which are more than allegations in the article.
In fact, terrorist groups that thrive within Syria, and Syrian-occupied Lebanon have taken American lives. In 1983 Hezbollah killed 241 U.S. Marines in a terrorist attack near Beruit, and killed many more in the bombing in the U.S. Embassy Annex the following year. Yet, today, Damascus continues to allow Iran to supply Hezbollah with weapons.
According to Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage, and I quote,
''Hezbollah may well be the A-Team of terrorists. Maybe al-Qaeda is actually the B-Team on the reserve bench. The threat of collusion between these terrorist groups, and the government of Syria, must be addressed forcefully; especially, because of Syria's arsenal of weapons of mass destruction.''
At the U.N. last week, President Bush said, and I quote,
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''Our greatest fear is that terrorists will find a shortcut to their mad ambitions when an outlaw regime supplies them with the technologies to kill on a massive scale.''
That's a quote from our President. He meant this about Iraq, but it applies just as well to Syria.
Under Secretary of State, John Bolton, said in May,
''We are concerned about Syrian advances and its chemical weapons infrastructure, and believe Syria is pursuing development of biological weapons and is able to produce, at least, small amounts of biological warfare agents.''
That's from Under Secretary of State John Bolton. I share his concerns.
The following commercially available images released by Global Security.org show the Syrian Al-Safir chemical weapons plant and SCUD missile base protected by a surface-to-air missile site near the northern city of Aleppo.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to take a minute to run the Subcommittee through a few of these satellite photos. Number one, first, is a regional map, showing where the Al-Safir chemical weapons base is. Number two and number three are two maps. This Russian topographical map from 1987 shows the Al-Safir base.
[The information referred to follows:]
81812a.eps
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81812d.eps
81812c.eps
Mr. ENGEL. The Syrian map from 1994 of the same location omits the base. This is the Russian topographical of 1987 showing the base. The Syrian map of 1994 of the same location omits the base. My apologies to President Assad for exposing his nasty secret.
Fourth is an overview of the Al-Safir base, showing the chemical weapons plant, SCUD base and surface-to-air missile site. This is irrefutable. It's there under the auspices of the Syrian government. This fifth photo shows tunnel entrances large enough to hide a SCUD missile on its enormous Soviet-built MAZ 543 transporter. Again, these are aerial photos, not made up—irrefutable in terms of what Syria is doing.
[The information referred to follows:]
81812e.eps
81812b.eps
Mr. ENGEL. Additional photos and closeups are on the www.globalsecurity.org page. I would urge my colleagues to turn to that to get that information. Now even with all this damming evidence about the threat Damascus poses to the U.S. and the world, American diplomats suggest that now is not the time to get tough with Syria. The reasons they give vary, but the most common is that Syria has supposedly helped the U.S. in our war on terror.
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But I would say, with all due respect, Mr. Chairman, Damascus is, at best, two-faced—throwing a few small bones of information to American sources, while continuing to aid the most violent terrorist groups in the Middle East.
This is certainly not an acceptable deal in the post-9–11 world. Syria must be put on alert that we are not fooled by their double-dealing. In our view there are four critical criteria that Syria must meet before our countries can return to normal relations.
First, and foremost, Syria must end its support for terrorism. I can think of nothing more important in the post-9–11 era. It must close the offices of the Palestinian terror groups in Damascus and clean out the Lebanese Bekaa Valley—a hornet's nest of the most deadly terrorist groups in the world. They can do this if they want to. They have shown no desire to do so.
Syria must end all contacts with al-Qaeda; stop harboring Hezbollah, a violent terrorist group and other terrorist groups, and come into full compliance with U.N. Security Council Resolution 1373, which directs all countries to fight terror.
Secondly, and very importantly, Syria must withdraw its armed forces from Lebanon. U.N. Security Council Resolutions 425 and 520 call for the removal of all foreign forces from Lebanon, and the strict respect for Lebanese sovereignty. The Lebanese people have a right to have their own government and their own nation and their own country without the strangle hold of Syrian troops occupying that country, in essence, making Lebanon no more than a puppet regime of Syria.
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The U.N. has certified Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon, but the Syrian occupation remains, stealing from Lebanon its national wealth and political independence. As long as Syria continues its occupation, Lebanon will remain the only satellite state left in the world; one which will be doomed to be the world's hot bed of terror.
Mr. Chairman, and my colleagues, it's time to let the Lebanese run Lebanon. It's time for Syria to get out. It is incomprehensible that Syria became the President of the Security Council of the U.N. while occupying another country, and I'm sorry to say, without even a peep out of the Administration.
Mr. Chairman, on that point, I and almost 40 Members, including yourself, wrote to President Bush opposing Syria becoming the President of the Security Council. We didn't receive a response, but it's something that I think we should continue to emphasize.
Thirdly, Syria must halt development and procurement of weapons of mass destruction, and ballistic missiles. The Administration has correctly cited, as a cause for concern, the combination of Iraq's SCUD missiles and their weapons of mass destruction. The President has mentioned that as a concern, and I fully agree with him.
But we should be equally concerned with the Syrian force of hundreds of SCUD missiles topped with unconventional warheads that could also reap unspeakable destruction.
Finally, and of pressing importance to the United States, Syria must halt violations of United Nations arms and oil sanctions against Iraq. As the international community considers a major military operation against Saddam Hussien, Syria's delivery of weaponry to Iraq directly and immediately undermines American national security interests.
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Indeed, Syria's illegal exports of 150,000 barrels of Iraqi oil per day have provided the substantial hard currency Saddam Hussein needs to purchase Syrian weapons; weapons that soon could be used against American and other soldiers.
As the Syrian threat increases, it has been our hope that the Administration would respond with a new policy toward Damascus—one that gets tough on the Syrian violations and sets clear conditions for Damascus to meet. That's what this bill does.
Until the Administration does this, our own war on terror and national security are diminished every day.
In closing, I would like to share one more quote from President Bush's U.N. speech.
''If an emboldened regime were to supply weapons of mass destruction to terrorist allies, then the attacks of September 11th would be a prelude to far greater horrors.''
That's our President, and I agree with him. As an American and a New Yorker, I do not want to witness horrors worse than 9–11.
I urge the Administration to get tough on Syria. I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding this hearing today. I thank our Majority Leader for sponsoring this bill with me, and I think it's time for us in Congress to make a forceful statement and to move forward.
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We will not tolerate Syrian support for terrorism. We will not tolerate Syrian occupation of Lebanon. We will not tolerate Syria making weapons of mass destruction; and we will not tolerate Syria's lack of compliance with the oil embargo against Iraq.
This bill will make sure that Syria is brought into compliance, or it will pay the price. I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Engel follows:]
PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE ELIOT L. ENGEL, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Mr. Chairman and members of the Subcommittee, the people of the United States are beginning a serious debate about undertaking a military campaign to affect a regime change in Iraq. Not only did Iraq occupy Kuwait in 1990, but it is on the State Department's list of terrorist nations, is developing weapons of mass destruction, and consistently violates the United Nations Security Council sanctions adopted at the end of the Gulf War.
Yet, while Iraq rightfully remains a national priority, we are overlooking another country which is committing comparable violations. This country is playing a similarly destabilizing role in the Middle East. This country is Syria.
Syria has been on the State Department's terrorist list since the inception of the list in 1979; it has occupied and controlled Lebanon for over two decades with 25,000 troops under the guise of maintaining peace between Lebanese factions; it possesses an expanding fleet of Scud missiles which can deliver its arsenal of chemical weapons; and, it is in serious violation of the oil and arms sales sanctions against Iraq.
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While we have no conclusive evidence of ties between Iraq and al Qaeda, ties between Syria and al Qaeda are widely reported. According to the highly-regarded journalist Ze'ev Schiff, Syria recently allowed 150–200 al Qaeda operatives to enter a Palestinian refugee camp.
In fact, terrorist groups that thrive within Syria and Syrian-occupied Lebanon have taken American lives. In 1983, Hezbollah killed 241 U.S. Marines in a terrorist attack near Beirut and killed many more in the bombing of the U.S. embassy annex the following year. Yet, today, Damascus continues to allow Iran to supply Hezbollah with weapons. According to Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage, ''Hezbollah may well be the A-team of terrorists, maybe al Qaeda is actually the B-team on the reserve bench.''
The threat of collusion between these terrorist groups and the government of Syria must be addressed forcefully—especially because of Syria's arsenal of weapons of mass destruction. At the U.N. last week, President Bush said, ''our greatest fear is that terrorists will find a shortcut to their mad ambitions when an outlaw regime supplies them with the technologies to kill on a massive scale.'' He meant this about Iraq, but it applies just as well to Syria.
Undersecretary of State John Bolton said in May, ''We are concerned about Syrian advances in its indigenous chemical weapons infrastructure and believe Syria is pursuing development of biological weapons and is able to produce at least small amounts of biological warfare agents.'' I share his concern.
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The following commercially-available images, released by Global Security.org, show the Syrian Al Safir chemical weapons plant and Scud missile base protected by a surface to air missile site, near the northern Syrian city of Aleppo. Mr. Chairman, I would like to take a minute to run the Subcommittee through a few of these satellite photos:
(#1) First is a regional map showing where the Al Safir Chemical Weapons base is.
(#2) Second and (#3) third are two maps: This Russian topographical map from 1987 shows the Al Safir base. The Syrian map from 1994 of the same location—omits the base. My apologies to President Assad for exposing his nasty secret.
(#4) Fourth, is an overview of the Al Safir base showing the chemical weapons plant, Scud base, and surface-to-air missile site.
(#5) The fifth photo shows tunnel entrances large enough to hide a Scud missile on its enormous Soviet-built MAZ–543 transporter.
Additional photos and close-ups are on the www.GlobalSecurity.Org page.
Even with all this damning evidence about the threat Damascus to the U.S. and the world, American diplomats suggest that now is not the time to get tough with Syria. The reasons they give vary, but the most common is that Syria has helped the U.S. in our war on terror.
But, Damascus is at best two-faced, throwing a few small bones of information to American sources while continuing to aid the most violent terrorist groups in the Middle East. This is not an acceptable deal in the post 9/11 world. Syria must be put on alert that we are not fooled by their double-dealing. In our view, there are four criteria that Syria must meet before our countries can return to normal relations.
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First and foremost, Syria must end its support for terrorism. It must close the offices of the Palestinian terror groups in Damascus and clean out the Lebanese Bekaa Valley—a hornets nest of the most deadly terrorist groups in the world. It must end all contacts with al Qaeda, stop harboring Hezbollah and other terrorist groups, and come into full compliance with United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373 which directs all countries to fight terror.
Second, Syria must withdraw its armed forces from Lebanon. United Nations Security Council Resolutions 425 and 520 call for the removal of all foreign forces from Lebanon and the strict respect for Lebanese sovereignty. The U.N. has certified Israel's withdrawal, but the Syrian military occupation remains, stealing from Lebanon its national wealth and political independence. As long as Syria continues its occupation, Lebanon will remain the only satellite state left in the world, one which will be doomed to be the world's hotbed of terror. It's time to let the Lebanese run Lebanon.
It is incomprehensible that Syria became the President of the Security Council while occupying another country—without even a peep out of the Administration. Mr. Chairman, on that point, I and almost 40 members, including yourself, wrote to President Bush, opposing Syria becoming the President of the Security Council. We never received a response.
Third, Syria must halt development and procurement of weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles. The current Administration has correctly cited as a cause for concern the combination of Iraq's Scud missiles and their weapons of mass destruction. We should be equally concerned with a Syrian force of hundreds of Scud missiles topped with unconventional warheads—that could also wreak unspeakable destruction.
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Finally, and of pressing importance to the United States, Syria must halt violations of United Nations arms and oil sanctions against Iraq. As the international community considers a major military operation against Saddam Hussein, Syria's delivery of weaponry to Iraq directly and immediately undermines American national security interests. Indeed, its illegal exports of 150,000 barrels of Iraqi oil per day have provided the substantial hard currency Saddam needs to purchase Syrian weapons—weapons that soon could be used against American soldiers.
As the Syrian threat increases, it has been our hope that the Administration would respond with a new policy toward Damascus; one that gets tough on the Syrian violations and sets clear conditions for Damascus to meet. Until it does, our own war on terror and national security are diminished everyday.
In closing, I would like to share one more quote from President Bush's U.N speech: ''If an emboldened regime were to supply [weapons of mass destruction] to terrorist allies, then the attacks of September the 11th would be a prelude to far greater horrors.'' As an American and a New Yorker, I do not want to witness horrors worse that 9/11. I urge the Administration to get tough on Syria.
Mr. GILMAN. Well, we want to thank you, Mr. Engel, for producing this measure, for co-sponsoring it with our Majority Leader, Mr. Armey. We thank you for your analysis that you presented before the Committee. I have just one question, then I will turn to my colleagues.
It was in February 2001 that Secretary of State Powell said he had a commitment from President Assad to bring the Iraqi oil shipments under the U.N.-approved Oil-for-Food Program. Has Syria made any moves in that direction? If not, why has our Administration appeared to tolerate that violation of these kinds of sanctions that the U.N. has imposed on the part of Syria and Iraq?
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Mr. ENGEL. Well, as far as we can see, there has been no movement by Syria to change its ways. In fact, quite the opposite, Syria is continuing to violate everything that the Administration says it wants to see in fighting the war on terror and in fighting the problems in Iraq.
I don't know why our State Department is turning a blind eye. We keep hearing that now is not the time, and I say, Mr. Chairman, if now is not the time, when will the time be?
As the Majority Leader pointed out, Syria is the only country on the State Department's list of countries which support terrorism with which we have normal diplomatic relations. I don't understand why, and I think it's time to send a very, very strong message to Syria that we won't tolerate these violations any further.
Mr. GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Engel. Mr. Ackerman?
Mr. ACKERMAN. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I have an opening statement that I would like to put into the record if there is no objection.
Mr. GILMAN. Without objection.
Mr. ACKERMAN. I thank Mr. Engel for his leadership on this, together with the Majority Leader, and for making so eloquent and strong a statement.
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I have a question about what you tried to do at the beginning of your statement, which was objected to in an unusual occurrence, I think. I can't remember the last time when a Member objected to a Member placing something in the record.
But were you referring to the article in Haaretz, the headline of which was ''Syria has allowed hundreds of al-Qaeda men to settle in Lebanon,'' and which begins:
''Damascus has allowed some 150 to 200 al-Qaeda operators to settle in the Palestinian refugee camp on Ein-Hilweh near Sidon in Lebanon.
''The group including senior commanders arrived from Afghanistan to Damascus and Iran and directly to Lebanon. These Qaeda operatives are responsible, among other things, for the latest outbreak of fighting inside the refugee camp as part of the effort to take over the camp. These details and others have lately been gathered by various intelligent services.
''Among the new details now known, Mohammed Atta, leader of Qaeda group that conducted the September 11th airplane suicide attacks on the twin towers in New York, flying the first plane into the towers, visited Syria twice or three times. The Syrians did not give that information to the American of their own volition. Osma Bin Laden's son, Omar, left Syria——''
Mr. ISSA. Would the gentleman yield?
Mr. GILMAN. Without objection.
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Mr. ACKERMAN [continuing].
''Three weeks before the attack on the twin towers after receiving anonymous instructions to do so.''
Is that the article that begins that way?
Mr. ENGEL. Yes, it is.
Mr. ACKERMAN. Thank you. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Ackerman follows:]
PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE GARY L. ACKERMAN, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Thank you Mr. Chairman for calling today's hearing on U.S.-Syrian relations. This is a topic which is well-deserving of a hearing and I commend you for gathering such a impressive group of witnesses, including the distinguished Majority Leader, Mr. Armey and our own colleague on the Subcommittee, our fellow New Yorker, Mr. Engel.
Mr. Chairman, if a man was wearing a black tuxedo, and in fact, everything he was wearing was black, except his white shirt, you and I would say without hesitation that the man was wearing black. However, at the State Department, I fear, on account of the white shirt, they'd say he's wearing gray. Perhaps, even dark gray.
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Joking aside, the image of the man in the all-black tuxedo is the perfect image for analyzing Syrian behavior: a uniform of black with a single, but central patch of white.
Syrian acts and policies contrary to U.S. national interests are numerous, serious and ongoing. First, and most obviously, Syria is a state-sponsor of terror.
Damascus is a willing—even a proud—sanctuary for terrorists from several different groups. In its most recent annual report on terrorism, the State Department acknowledged that Syria continued to provide safehaven and logistics support for Palestinian terrorist groups in Damascus, as well as providing Hizballah, HAMAS, PFLP–GC, the PIJ, and other terrorist organizations refuge and basing privileges in Lebanon's Beka'a Valley.
Syria is also behaving in a grossly irresponsible fashion in Lebanon, a country it has occupied since 1976 contrary to international law, the will of the Lebanonese people, and the Taif accords, which Syria pledged to honor. Notably, Syria has recently begun to supplement Iranian arms transfers to Hizballah with its own artillery rockets.
This Syrian collaboration with Hizballah is not only repugnant, since Hizballah is a designated Foreign Terrorist Organization that is responsible for the deaths of dozens of Americans, but it is also extremely dangerous.
Hizballah is actively trying to stoke a larger Arab-Israeli conflict through incessant attacks on Israeli positions on Mt. Dov—territory that both our government and the U.N. have declared explicitly is not Lebanese. Syria's response to this effort to incite a regional war has been to provide more and more deadly arms to Hizballah. This reckless and unacceptable policy should provoke a commensurate response from our government. To my knowledge, it has not.
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Syria, as the responsible party for the security situation in Lebanon, must also account for allegations that recent violence in the Ein Hilwe refugee camp is the result of the infiltration of possibly hundreds of Al-Qaida elements into Lebanon in cooperation with Syria's favorite terrorist ally, Hizballah.
Syria is also reportedly flaunting U.N. resolutions on Iraq by engaging in illicit trade in Iraqi oil and supplying Iraq with military weapons and spare parts. At a time when our country is debating the necessity of sending our men and women in uniform to uproot Saddam Hussein and his regime by force of arms, Damascus is cooperating with Baghdad in ways that could cost American lives. Moreover, despite a pledge made by President Bashar al-Asad to Secretary of State Powell, that Syria would handle any oil shipments from Iraq in accordance with the U.N.-approved oil-for-food program for Iraq, there is no evidence yet that Syria has complied with this commitment.
And of course, as it has since for several decades, contrary to its explicit commitments given in numerous international agreements, Syria is continuing to acquire and develop weapons of mass destruction and the means for their delivery.
As Undersecretary of State for Arms Control and International Security John R. Bolton noted on May 6, Syria has a stockpile of the nerve agent sarin and is conducting research and development on the more toxic nerve agent VX; Syria has produced small amounts of biological warfare agents; and Syria is pursuing further development of its surface-to-surface missiles.
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Put together, the support for terrorism, the occupation of Lebanon, the irresponsible support for Hizballah's war-mongering, the not-so-subtle alliance with Iraq and the pursuit of weapons of terror, make it is easy to understand why Syria is subject to so many sanctions under U.S. law.
What is not clear to me is why Syria has been able to get away with so much. Unfortunately, the pressure to hold Syria accountable has come uniformly and almost exclusively from Congress. The legislation introduced by Representatives Armey and Engel is just the latest demonstration of Congress' refusal to despair of changing Damascus' behavior.
This is not too big a nut to crack. Syria is a small, decrepit, little terror state that has been yanking our diplomatic chain for years. Without the patronage of the Soviet Union, Syria has continued to shrink from Third-World leader to Third-World backwater. The Syrian people live in a police state which seems to exist for the sole purpose of propping up a failed government. Syria's throw-back statist economy is broken, and utterly unattractive to foreign direct investment.
And yet we are told by administration after administration, year after year, that Congressional action would be ''unhelpful,'' and that quiet diplomacy will win the improvements in Syrian conduct we desire. After 20 years in Congress I can say the ''Trust me. We'll take care of it'' routine doesn't impress me.
We read in the newspapers—the only source of information for the Congress about the Administration's high-level foreign policy debates—that Syria can't be pressured because they are providing critical cooperation in our war against Al-Qaida.
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Indeed, it has been reported that information provided by Syria enabled us to prevent a major attack on our forces and saved U.S. lives. This act alone, it is said, kept Syria from being included in the Presidents' ''axis of evil.'' If true, this fact is, as I previously suggested, the white shirt. But one white shirt doesn't create shades of gray; it only presents vivid contrast with clothing of uniform darkness. One act of truly useful cooperation only demonstrates the potential for the U.S.-Syrian relationship, what could be if the scores of other acts of violence, irresponsibility and terror were stopped immediately.
Mr. Chairman, too little has been done for too long about this very serious problem in the Middle East. I look forward to hearing from our witnesses about how to begin to remedy this critical situation.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Issa?
Mr. ISSA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. In way of explanation, objecting to an article became necessary, to be honest, because our witness distributed a ''Dear Colleague'' that attempted to say that this was fact. I took it on myself, as I'm sure many of us have, and hopefully, Mr. Engel has, to go to the State Department to find out whether or not there was any basis for this. Finding none, I have to say that our information from our State Department does trump an article being considered to be a fact.
That doesn't change the fact that many parts of the article are undoubtedly correct, and that I am extremely concerned that we are missing the point of how to move Syria's behavior by assuming that a sanction will do some good.
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I oppose this sanctions act, not because Syria is a good actor; not because Syria is in compliance with the U.N. resolutions, but because Syria is, in fact, a nation we do have diplomatic relations with; and one in which our State Department—my President, my Secretary of State—have said they are getting movement in a direction they want to get.
The last time I checked, none of us has the status of Ambassador, nor the training as Ambassadors. So I oppose this sanction based on it tying the President's hands.
If I could, Mr. Engel, ask you have you had any briefings as to whether or not the portion about al-Qaeda being in some way directly linked to support by Syria is, in fact, true?
Mr. ENGEL. Well, let me first say, Mr. Issa, that the letter to which you are refer that I sent around—a ''Dear Colleague'' was done, not only by myself, but with Mr. Armey, the Majority Leader. It was joint letter that we both sent around, and while you may disagree with the bill and you may disagree with my statement, quite frankly I am shocked that you would object to unanimous consent to putting this article in the record.
Mr. ISSA. As I said, I am objecting to an article that has only been alleged to be true by reports being taken as fact. You have been a good colleague and a good friend. In this particular case we seem to disagree, not on the principle of whether Syria is occupying Lebanon; whether Syria is trading in oil with Iraq; whether Syria is a conduit for weapons coming from the Czech Republic, Belarus and from other former Soviet satellites who, also, are violating arms rules. I am not disagreeing with any of that.
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What I am asking you is when this letter came out, it supports a specific small portion of it. I would say that most of this is very true. There is a big question if so much as one al-Qaeda operative is being harbored by Syria with any knowledge or support of the government leadership; then there is no question that we need to take immediate and assertive action at a higher level; perhaps, more than these sanctions.
But do you have knowledge from U.S. sources on this subject? Have you gone to the trouble of having a briefing, or, are we just reading an Israeli newspaper?
Mr. ENGEL. No, I think it's a little more than reading an Israeli newspaper. I think that given Syria's record of support for Hezbollah; of support for terrorism; of letting terrorist have training camps; of having funding for terrorists. It's not very difficult to make the jump to say that if Syria is supporting Hezbollah and turning a blind eye to its terrorist activities, they are doing the same with al-Qaeda.
Mr. ISSA. I will take that as a no, Mr. Engel.
Mr. ACKERMAN. Would the gentleman yield?
Mr. BERMAN. Would the gentleman yield?
Mr. ISSA. Just one—I would ask, Mr. Chairman, that all of our opening statements be placed in the record without objection.
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Mr. GILMAN. Without objection.
Mr. ISSA. And I would yield.
Mr. ACKERMAN. Thank you.
Mr. ISSA. I will yield to the gentleman from New York first.
Mr. ACKERMAN. Thank you. I am rather concerned, not necessarily with the issue, but with the protocol, which is a broader thing. The gentleman from California who, indeed, is my friend and for whom I have the highest regard, maybe setting the bar a little bit too low.
If we are going to object to placing things in the record that we think may or may not be entirely true and censor them ourselves, for whatever reason, including that it appeared in an Israeli newspaper rather than some other constitutional document from some other country or our country, I think that the record would be very, very thin because we would be spending all of our time objecting to anything that anybody would ever disagree with in whole or in part.
Mr. ISSA. Reclaiming my time, now that we have had sufficient dialogue on the subject, I would ask unanimous consent that this article in its entirety into the record. I do not object.
Mr. GILMAN. Without objection.
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Mr. ISSA. The gentleman from California, if you don't mind, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. BERMAN. I thank the gentleman for yielding, and giving his position. I just want to put on the record that the author of this article, Ze'ev Schiff, is one of the most distinguished, well-respected and accurate military correspondents, certainly, in Israel, but I think, generally, among the universe of military correspondents, he is widely respected for the accuracy of his reporting and the tremendous breadth and depth of his contacts.
The article, of course, does not say that Syria is currently harboring—it is saying that Syria allowed these people to go through Damascus to the Palestinian refugee camp near Sidon, which is not directly under Syrian control. But this particular reporter is uniquely well-respected.
Mr. ISSA. Thank you. I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Wexler?
Mr. WEXLER. Thank you Mr. Chairman, and if I understand it correctly, all of our opening statements have been put in the record.
Mr. GILMAN. Without objection.
Mr. WEXLER. I want to just simply congratulate and concur with Mr. Engel. I think he laid out a very important and impressive case for the need for this piece of legislation. I don't think there is any reason to publicly repeat what Mr. Engel has so eloquently laid out.
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I would simply add one or two additional observations, if I could. And that is, why has the situation deteriorated to the point that it has in Syria? Unfortunately, the only conclusion that one can reach is that we all had great hopes for Bashar Assad, we had a hope that he was a new kind of leader in the region, given his background—what would appear to be an impressive education; what appeared to be his stress of improving economic conditions in Syria.
None of that, unfortunately, has turned out to be reality. And what has turned out to be reality, at least, until this date in Syria is we have what appears, through his actions, to be an immature and irresponsible man who is now being guided, not by anything other than the hard-line interest in Syria.
And as been stated by Mr. Engel and Mr. Armey, he, individually, presents what may be, in my view, the most dangerous obstacle in the Middle East; both with respect to Iraq; both with respect to Hezbollah and his absolute condemnation, by action, of any kind of peace process whatsoever.
He, in fact, Bashar Assad, is one of the principal obstacles to a meaningful peace process. And until we realize that fact, and until that fact is reflected in the way the United States deals with him, I am fearful that other avenues of possibilities will never be realized because there is a tremendous drain on those possibilities in the person of Bashar Assad.
Everything that the United States, from President Bush on down, has alleged with respect to Iraq at the Security Council in the United Nations is also true—and in many respects, even more true, in a greater dynamic with respect to Syria.
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All of the things that the President and the United States is demanding of Yasir Arafat, and of his activities, can be compounded by many degrees with respect to Syria.
I support what we are alleging and asking for with respect to action against Iraq; and I support what we have alleged and the actions we are asking—demanding of Yasser Arafat—actually, of the Palestinians.
But what seems to be not in compliance with the overall American policy is that we are not doing the same thing with respect to Syria, even though, in many cases the case is clearer against Syria than it is against the other actors.
With, I think, one message to our friends in the moderate, Arab world—I would ask our friends in the moderate, Arab world, who many of us on this Committee—not all of us, but many of us may have a different view in terms of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but I would ask our friends in the moderate, Arab world with the indignation that they sometimes bring to the Israeli-Palestinian debate, to bring that same level of indignation—even greater—to the issue of the Syrian occupation of Lebanon.
There is no excuse why the Arab world is not revolting over the Syrian occupation of Lebanon. Why are there not Arab conferences? Why are there not TV shows all over Al-Jazeera television describing what Syria is doing to Lebanon?
That has nothing to do with the United States. It's not caused by America. It's not caused by Western interest. It's not caused by Israel. There are no more even so-called excuses anymore. Israel withdrew from southern Lebanon. That's official. Even the United Nations has sanctioned it.
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It's time, I would respectfully suggest to our friends in the Arab world to put a real spotlight on what is occurring, emanating from Syria and the injustices that are being, as a result, perpetuated in Lebanon.
It's time, as Mr. Engel very eloquently said, as did Mr. Armey, for the Lebanese for themselves to rule Lebanon. It's time for Syria to get out. It's time for Bashar Assad to clean up his act. It's time for him to approach the peace process with a more mature and practical attitude.
And until he does so, the President and our Administration and the United States should call it what it is. Syria is not a friend of the United States. It is nothing other than an obstacle to peace, and it is one of the primary supporters of terrorism in the world. And until we fix that, we will not even begin to get a handle on the problem of terrorism that effects us, the United States, and our closest allies in the region. Thank you very much.
Mr. GILMAN. The gentleman's time has expired, and I thank the gentleman. [Applause.]
I am asking our audience not to express their feelings during the testimony, and please no flash photos. They are not permitted during testimony.
Mr. Cooksey?
Mr. COOKSEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is good to have you in front of the Committee, Mr. Engel.
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I have actually a series of questions I would like to ask, and would like to get through all of them. So any time you can, if you can just give me a yes or no answer.
Is the primary purpose or reason for the Syria Accountability Act Syria's ties to terrorists?
Mr. ENGEL. That is one of the primary reasons. The other would be, as Mr. Wexler just mentioned, the occupation of Lebanon; the fact that they are violating the oil sanctions against Iraq and the fact that they are producing weapons of mass destruction. I would say those four pillars.
Mr. COOKSEY. Thank you. Well, I abhor terrorism. I think all terrorists are either cowards or crazy or all of the above—period, end quote. It's the most cowardly act that any human being can do to another human being.
But I would point out with a very superficial review of history that there is a long history of terrorism in that part of the world—all parties, all countries, all religions and they are all cowardly acts. So I agree and I hope you do.
Now to comment on President Bashar Assad—there is no question that the history was not good under his father. His father was military man. I never met his father. I have met the last three Prime Ministers of Israel, and I think they're fine people and have some merit.
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I have met Arafat, and he has his supporters. I have met his leaders, and yet, Bashar Assad is a physician. And being a physician, I think he has the opportunity to be a kinder, gentler leader and will move Syria in the right direction.
I happened to have met with him last year with a delegation in Damascus, and I think he is, hopefully, the type of young, new leader they will have over there. I really think that they need to get rid of people that have either a military background or a terrorist background or a political background and have more people from business—I met all the leaders of Lebanon.
They are all three—two of the three of them are businessmen, and very successful businessmen; and hopefully, that will be the direction that the Middle Eastern countries go to.
My third question—do you think this is the time bring this Syria Accountability Act at a time that we are preparing for war against Iraq? And then, my last series of questions is, number one, has the President asked for this legislation? Has the White House asked that this legislation be tabled or defeated?
Does Syria directly threaten the United States at this time, because our primary responsibility as Members of Congress is our allegiance and our loyalty to the United States. So my question is, does Syria directly threaten the United States, and has the President asked for this legislation?
Mr. ENGEL. I tried to write down the questions, and I hope I got them——
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Mr. GILMAN. If I might interrupt, we have a distinguished panel waiting for us, and I am going to ask our colleague to be considerate so we can get on to the panel. If you would keep your remarks as short as possible. Mr. Engel?
Mr. ENGEL. Yes. Let me say that I don't think there is another country in the world, in my opinion, that harbors terrorists to the depth that Syria does. I think we would be hard pressed to find it. In fact, I believe that Syria, even more than Iraq, has been aiding and abetting terrorism and harboring terrorists.
Bashar Assad—I think that many of us had high hopes for him just like King Abdullah of Jordan. I think King Abdullah of Jordan has risen and shown that he is a young man who is moderate and has vision. Unfortunately, in my estimation, Bashar Assad has shown that he is even worst than his father, who was no friend to the United States for many, many years. It has been very, very sad that he has not, unlike King Abdullah, moved up to the task in my estimation.
I believe this is the right time. I believe that as we are facing the threat in Iraq, and going after terrorists in al-Qaeda, this is the right time to say to all countries which harbor terrorists that we are not going to tolerate it any more.
Finally, the Administration does not support this bill as previous Administrations have not supported any bills that the Congress has come up with because the Administration generally believes that it's their purview to conduct foreign policy, and generally, resents anything that the Congress does.
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When we had the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act, it was also opposed by Administrations, as have all these kinds of acts been opposed. So this is no different. The Administration will say that they share our goals. They think what we're trying to do is the right thing, but they don't think this is the right way to do it. This is not the right time.
I have heard this from the State Department in the 14 years I have been in Congress. To them, I would say, if this is not the right time when we are embarking on a campaign to fight terrorism, then I don't know when the right time will ever be.
Mr. GILMAN. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. COOKSEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Engel.
Mr. GILMAN. Ms. Berkley? And I am going to, again, ask our Members to please be brief so we can get on to the next panel.
Ms. BERKLEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will also submit my opening statement for the record.
Mr. GILMAN. Without objection.
Ms. BERKLEY. I want to thank you, Mr. Engel, for coming forward at this time. I agree with you that if not now, when? Not only do I agree with the contents and substance of the Accountability Act, I am very thankful for your passion on this issue that I share.
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I also recall when Assad took over from his father, and the belief I had that, perhaps, this was a turning point in the relationship in the Middle East. And with his Western education that people were touting, that he might become a kinder and gentler leader.
But I don't care if he's a doctor, a lawyer, a plumber, a carpenter—this is not a kinder and gentler leader. This is a kinder and gentler terrorist, and we don't need another one of those.
He is no different from his father; perhaps, even worse because he should know better. This is a disgrace that this country isn't standing up to this terrorist and making sure that this type of behavior is not only condemned, but eliminated.
So I want to thank you very much. I do have questions, but I think I will hold them for the next panel. I appreciate the fact that you have the guts to sit here and share with us your concerns.
Mr. GILMAN. Thank you, Ms. Berkley.
Mr. ENGEL. Thank you.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Chabot?
Mr. CHABOT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. In the interest of time in getting to the next panel, I think I will hold my questions to the next panel as well.
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Mr. GILMAN. Thank you very much, Mr. Chabot. Mr. Rohrabacher?
Mr. ROHRABACHER. I find myself in agreement and disagreement with the proponents of this legislation. Eliot and Mr. Wexler, of course, have made this point that Syria in some way should be castigated for what it is doing, and what it has done in Lebanon. And having visited Lebanon, and talked to all the parties in Lebanon, I found all of them grateful to Syria for coming into their country at a time when it was totally chaotic.
I have been to Lebanon several times, and I have had a broad range of discussions—as broad a range of discussions as you can have, and I don't know; perhaps, obviously, Lebanon should be free and independent of Syrian occupation eventually, but let's not forget the tragedy that was going on there prior to the Syrian invasion.
That in no way, of course, justifies the Syrian harboring of terrorists, which they obviously do. So I find myself in agreement with the idea that we have to put pressure on Syria and we should do so officially and we should make sure we are uncompromising, which is what I believe you are trying to do here to make sure that they know that if any country harbors warriors who are making war on women and children and blowing up bar mitzvahs in Israel or organizations that set up bombs in Pizza Huts—that country should not be a friend of the United States.
They have to know they are making war, not just on people who eat pizza at Pizza Huts in Israel, but they are making war on all civilized people. So I agree with your goal in trying to put pressure on Syria for that.
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But again, let's make sure we try to be fair in terms of what was going on historically in terms of what Syria did in Lebanon. If you want them to take us seriously about not harboring terrorists, we have to try to be accurate in terms of what happened historically in Lebanon.
I think there is a difference between Syria and Iraq. Syria is not headed by a man who holds a blood grudge against the United States. Saddam Hussien holds a blood grudge against us, and I think that he means to do us harm. Syria is harboring terrorists who attack Israel, and as such, is not a friend of the United States or a friend anybody who opposes terrorism.
So with that said, I am probably going to support the legislation, but I do think that there are some things that we need to put in a little bit more better perspective. Thank you, Eliot.
Mr. ENGEL. Let me just say to my friend and colleague that we certainly share the goals of this legislation in terms of fighting terrorism and getting Syria to stop it support of terrorism.
But the Lebanese people who have come to Washington that I have spoken with; particularly, the Christians, don't welcome Syrian occupation of their country. They believe that Syria should leave.
Syria, in my estimation, is in violation of the Taif Accord where they agreed to pull their troops out of Lebanon and U.N. Resolution 520 passed in 1982. Section 4 calls, again, for the strict respect of the sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and political independence of Lebanon under the sole and exclusive authority of the government of Lebanon through the Lebanese army throughout Lebanon and I would just say——
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Mr. ROHRABACHER. Eliot, can I ask a question?
Mr. ENGEL. If I could just finish. I would just say that the Syrian army undermines Lebanese sovereignty and prevents the Lebanese from running their own country. And if you really speak with many of the groups; particularly, the Christian groups in Lebanon, they all want the Syrians out of Lebanon.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Eliot, what was the death rate going on in Lebanon of violent killings prior to the Syrian evasion?
Mr. ENGEL. I think——
Mr. ROHRABACHER. We are talking about a massive blood-letting that was stopped. I am not saying we should forgive Syria for any of its faults, and believe me, I'm with you on their support of terrorism, and I have made that point to them personally.
I just don't think we are being accurate here, and I have talked to Christian leaders in Lebanon. People are shaking their head, I'm sorry. I have. I have been there twice.
I met with all of the Christian leaders, and while they are officially telling us, yes, we want the Syrian occupation to be over; unofficially, they are acknowledging that before the Syrians came in, people were slaughtering each other in the streets. It doesn't take a genius to take a look at what was going on there.
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Mr. GILMAN. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. ENGEL. If I might just——
Mr. GILMAN. The gentleman's time has expired. I am trying to preserve time for our panel. By unanimous consent, a non-member of our Subcommittee, Ms. McKinney.
Ms. MCKINNEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I only have one question, and I will be brief. I just would like to ask my colleague, on September 25th, the governor of Minnesota, Jessie Ventura, is going to lead a delegation to Cuba.
I am just looking at this article, ''Walls Around Cuba are Cracking,'' and basically, there are a couple of quotes I would like to read here.
One is a question along the lines of what Congressman Cooksey asked. And that is, ''Is there any corporation in America that would cling to the same failed business practice for 40 years?''
That is speaking about the U.S. embargo of Cuba. Further, a Member of the House goes on to say that the problem with our policy is that we elevate Castro. We allow him to blame us for all the failures of socialism.
If we will simply empower people over there, through commerce and trade and interaction, we can move around him. so my question is, is there another strategy short of embargo and sanctions—sanctions that can move United States and Syria where they need to be. And if there is no other strategy, why do you think that there is no other strategy?
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Mr. ENGEL. Well, let me say that as Majority Leader Armey and I pointed out in our testimony, since 1979, when the State Department first put forward its list of countries which aid and abet terrorism, Syria has been on that list since the inception—since 1979.
We have heard a series of Administrations say, well, let us handle Syria diplomatically, and hopefully, we can get it to change its ways. In the 23 years, I have not seen any change in the ways of Syria. In fact, I've seen it get worse.
When Hafez Assad, Bashar Assad's father, ran Syria and then died, we all had hope that when the son took over it would be a new generation—Western educated and that he would not follow the policies of his father.
What we have seen in the few years that he has ruled Syria with an iron fist, he is actually worse than his father because his father was stronger and could make certain decisions, where he appears to be very, very weak and relies on the ultra-hard liners in Syria.
So I believe they've regressed and we have no choice but to put forward this legislation to give them the opportunity to change their ways because they've shown no desire to do it otherwise.
I do think that the Congress has a responsibility to help guide our country in foreign policy, and this is one the ways that we do it. So I would say that I put forward this legislation really as a last resort out of frustration that Syria, if anything, is getting worse not better.
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Ms. MCKINNEY. Mr. Chairman, I promised only one question, but I do have a follow up. I have not visited Syria, but if Bashar is weak—and significantly weaker than his father and we make war in Iraq and we make sanctions on Syria, don't we contribute to increased turmoil and tension in the area?
As a result of that, there are discussions that there will be potential for civil war in Saudi Arabia. There are all kinds of things that are being postulated as we embark upon this war.
Do we do more damage to the neighbor or to the region by moving in this way, or is there possibly another way that is through diplomacy that we can move our two countries to a closer position?
Mr. ENGEL. Well, we've tried diplomacy, as I mentioned, for 23 years and it hasn't worked. When I look at countries that harbor terrorism, I frankly think Syria has a worse record that Iraq.
I think Syria probably has the worst record of any country in the world; perhaps, other than Iran. And so, if we are going to make terrorism the goal, it doesn't make sense to me that we are somehow moving into Iraq, but we're looking the other way when it comes to Syria.
I think, as the President rightly said, that you are either with us or with the terrorists. We have to fight terrorism wherever it rears its ugly head, and frankly, I think Syria is at the top of the pack when it comes to terrorism.
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Mr. GILMAN. The gentlelady's time has expired.
Ms. MCKINNEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. GILMAN. We will now proceed with the next panel. Mr. Engel, we thank you for your patience. We ask if you will join our Committee back in your normal seat. Thank you for your testimony.
Mr. ENGEL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. GILMAN. We now call Panel No. 3. Unfortunately, Ambassador David Sattlefield, as I mentioned earlier, Deputy Assistant of the Secretary of State for the Bureau of Middle East Affairs is unable to be here with us today. His statement will be entered into the record, and we will endeavor to hear him at a later date.
We will now call on the next panel, Ambassador Edward Gabriel, Matthew Levitt, William Reinsch, and Elias Saadi.
We will hear from our panelists. I will call on Elias Saadi first. I am going to ask our panelist if they would restrict their statements to 5 minutes, so that we can get through the entire panel. We will put your entire statement into the record.
Dr. Elias Saadi was born in Youngstown, Ohio in 1932. He earned his M.D. degree from Georgetown University in 1957. He has been private practice in cardiology in Youngstown until retiring in the Year 2000 after 30 years. Dr. Saadi has been active in social, religious and political organizations to work for the cause of freedom and democracy in Lebanon.
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Dr. Saadi, please proceed.
STATEMENT OF ELIAS SAADI, COUNCIL OF LEBANESE AMERICAN ORGANIZATIONS
Dr. SAADI. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Good morning. I would like to enter my text into the record, and I will summarize my remarks.
Mr. GILMAN. Without objection.
Dr. SAADI. I enter into the record a list of organizations that support my position—14 in all.
Mr. GILMAN. Without objection.
Dr. SAADI. My name is Elias Saadi of Youngstown, Ohio. I have come here as an American citizen of Lebanese descent to explain my view, and that of the vast majority of Lebanese-Americans that this bill is good for America.
Mr. Chairman, we have asked for this bill out of desperation and frustration due to the lack of a comprehensive American policy to end the Syrian occupation of Lebanon. For 25 years the Syrian army has occupied once-democratic Lebanon, and imposed its will through intimidation, persecution, assassination and brute military force.
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Some examples—first, 2 weeks ago, Syria forcibly shut down the opposition television station MURR TV. The reason? Debating the question of Syrian withdrawal. Two, Syria condones al-Qaeda's presence in Lebanon and provides support, finances, arms, training, and headquarters to Hezbollah, the PFLP-General Command Hamas, and Islamic Jihad. In all, 11 terrorist organizations are listed as such by the U.S. government are based in Damascus, but operate out of Lebanon.
Third, Syrian-sponsored groups are responsible for numerous terrorist attacks against the U.S., including the bombing of the U.S. Marine barracks in occupied Lebanon in 1983, which killed 241 American Marines.
There is also a personal face to this terror, Mr. Chairman. In Lebanon, the Syrian internal police have instilled fear, intimidation, helplessness in every man, woman and child. Internal security forces beat, torture and imprison students who voice their support for sovereignty, political reform and free speech.
Mr. Chairman, there is urgency to this measure. People are starving and the youth are leaving in droves. Forced to chose between immigration and life in a country ruled in the ''axis of evil'' and their surrogate, Hezbollah.
Let's look at the arguments against the bill. The Department of State agrees with the goals underlying the bill, but has concerns about its timing. I might ask: What is a good time to stop cooperating with a global terrorist? It has never been our national policy to negotiate with terrorists or to accede to their demands. Syria maybe cooperating today, but the past record for 25 years shows that its friendship has been most fickle.
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It has been said that sanctions never work. Cuba, Iran and Iraq are held up as examples of their ineffectiveness, but sanctions worked in South Africa, and sanctions may yet be the harbinger of the political restlessness that is sure to bring eventual change in Cuba, Iraq and Iran. Symbolic, though they may be, sanctions provide a glimpse into an undesirable future for Syria; and thus, can both be a carrot and a stick.
It has been said that passage of the bill would cost American jobs, but it is certain that not passing the bill will costs American lives.
This Committee should ask, also, the following questions—how much in dollars did the attack on 9–11 cost America? How much would another attack cost? How much trade is enough to make up for the impact of terrorism? In my view, no amount of trade is worth the price of even one American life.
It is said that Syria will leave Lebanon voluntarily. Let's not fool ourselves.
The Taif Agreement clearly called for departure, but that day has never come, nor will it until Syria has a strong incentive. The only language that Syria understands is the explicit language of cause and effect, such as Secretary Powell's stern warning that if Syria did not the scrimmages on the blue line at the Shebaa Farms, Israel would.
Thus, this bill will strengthen, not weaken, the Administration's position in its negotiations with Syria.
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It has also been inferred that sanctions will drive Syria closer to our enemies, Iraq and Iran. I ask, how much closer to our enemies can Syria, the sponsor of 11 terrorist organizations be?
It has been said that Syria has provided us with information that has saved American lives, but has Syria given us enough information to save as many American lives as they are responsible for taking or will certainly take in the future—absolutely not.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, in the name of freedom, and with all of the urgency and fervor that I can muster as an American citizen of Lebanese descent, I urge you to lend your support to this bill.
Syria must be made to end its sponsorship of terrorism and its occupation of Lebanon or be held accountable. This act aims to achieve these ends that are undeniably in the interest of the United States of America.
In closing, I ask your indulgence to allow me a personal observation, Mr. Chairman. A small tragic, personal note—during one visit to Lebanon, among many I have made, during the heat of the war, I was informed by the intelligence services of the anti-Syrian resistance that I should not travel to Syrian-controlled areas of Lebanon.
I was told that my activities in support of a free and democratic Lebanon had earned me a spot on the Syrian enemies list. That is the sort of regime we speak of today, and by testifying and speaking the truth today, I am certain that I will again find myself on that list, Mr. Chairman.
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Thus, for me, at age 70, this probably means that I will never see my father's home in Lebanon again. God bless America. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Saadi follows:]
PREPARED STATEMENT OF ELIAS SAADI, COUNCIL OF LEBANESE AMERICAN ORGANIZATIONS
Good Morning, Mr. Chairman:
I come before you today to offer testimony in support of the Syria Accountability Act of 2002.
My name is Eli Saadi. I am an American, a son of Lebanese immigrants; born and bred in Youngstown, Ohio. I am a cardiologist by profession. I have no political affiliation, nor do I hold any citizenship other than that of the U.S.A.
As an American, I feel that every immigrant group makes its greatest contribution to this great and blessed country when it brings what is the very best in that culture to the American table. This is what brings