Segment 2 Of 2     Previous Hearing Segment(1)

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THE AWARDING OF THE MEDAL OF HONOR TO THEODORE ROOSEVELT

House of Representatives,

Committee on National Security,

Military Personnel Subcommittee,

Washington, DC, Monday, September 28, 1998.

    The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 2:00 p.m. in room 2212, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Steve Buyer (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. STEVE BUYER, A REPRESENTATIVE FROM INDIANA, CHAIRMAN, MILITARY PERSONNEL SUBCOMMITTEE

    Mr. BUYER. The Military Personnel Subcommittee of the National Security Committee of the U.S. House of Representatives will come to order.

    Today, the subcommittee turns its attention to an issue that has frustrated a number of Members of Congress and some American people for a long time; that is, the award of the Medal of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt for his valor on July 1, 1898, during the Battle of San Juan Hill, more formally known as San Juan Heights, in the Spanish-American War.

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    I include myself among those that are frustrated by this case. I was greatly disappointed by the Army's initial reaction that the Medal of Honor for Theodore Roosevelt was justified and that the Secretary of the Army would be within his authority to recommend approval to the President without further action by the Congress. However, he has chosen not to do that, so with that choice, then I believe I know what I have to do.

    Theodore Roosevelt's heroic performance is well documented and undisputed and would appear to meet the standard established for award of the medal at the time. In my view, the case for awarding the Medal of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt rests on three points:

    Number one, Theodore Roosevelt's actions were consistent with the actions of those who were awarded the Medal of Honor that day and throughout the Spanish-American War. Of the three officers and 19 soldiers who received the medal for their actions on July 1, 1898, 21 received the medal because they gave up cover and exposed themselves to enemy fire in order to retrieve wounded comrades.

    I encountered a similar Marine Corps Medal of Honor case during my reading of the most recent copy of Leatherneck. I fully expect the gentleman from Pennsylvania, Mr. McHale, will heap high praise upon this Army officer for having selected the reading of Leatherneck.

    In that book—it pertained to Sergeant John H. Quick, who was awarded the Medal of Honor for exposing himself to enemy fire to signal a U.S. warship to cease fire after it had begun shelling friendly forces.

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    If voluntary exposure to enemy fire was the criterion for award of the medal, then Theodore Roosevelt clearly exceeded the standard. Once the order to attack was received, he mounted his horse and rode up and down the ranks in full view of enemy gunners. During the assault on Kettle Hill, he remained on horseback, thus leaving no doubt that he was the most important target of the attacking force. The fact that he was not killed is nothing short of a miracle.

    I am hopeful that this hearing—and not only this panel, but our second panel of noted historians—will lay that out in greater detail.

    The actions of Theodore Roosevelt on July 1, 1898, were conspicuous and clearly set him apart from his contemporaries. Most importantly, it was his leadership that changed the course of the battle.

    Let me yield at this point to Owen Pickett.

    [The prepared statement of Mr. Buyer can be found in the appendix on page 37.]

STATEMENT OF HON. OWEN PICKETT, A REPRESENTATIVE FROM VIRGINIA

    Mr. PICKETT. In the absence of Mr. Taylor, the ranking member, I would ask that he be allowed to submit for the record any written statement that he may wish to offer later on and would simply welcome our witnesses here today. I look forward to your testimony and hope it helps us resolve this issue. Thank you.
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    Mr. BUYER. There being no objection, his statement will be placed in the record.

    [The prepared statement of Mr. Taylor can be found in the appendix on page 40.]

    Mr. BUYER. I think Mr. Taylor is caught because of the hurricane that is hitting the coast; otherwise, he would be here.

    I would like to mention that John Milius, the Hollywood producer, director and writer was very interested in testifying but his schedule prevented him from attending.

    Without objection, I would enter an article he wrote that was published in the Wall Street Journal.

    [The information referred to can be found in the appendix on page 57.]

    Mr. BUYER. I would also like to express the subcommittee's appreciation to him for providing a copy of the movie he produced on Theodore Roosevelt and the Rough Riders; the tape is available to Members for viewing upon request.

    I would now like to turn it over to the first panel. We welcome today the Honorable Paul McHale from Pennsylvania and Rick Lazio of New York. These gentlemen have worked tirelessly on their own resolutions regarding this issue, and they are both highly respected Members of Congress.
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    I would now yield to Mr. McHale.

STATEMENT OF HON. PAUL McHALE, A REPRESENTATIVE FROM PENNSYLVANIA

    Mr. MCHALE. Mr. Chairman, I thank you and I thank the ranking member, Mr. Pickett, for your courtesies and for this opportunity to appear before the subcommittee today.

    I am particularly pleased to sit next to my good friend and colleague, Rick Lazio, for whom I have been able to play a supporting role in his ongoing efforts to obtain the Medal of Honor for Theodore Roosevelt.

    I point out, Mr. Chairman, I brought my bust of Theodore Roosevelt with me; but had I known that Tweed Roosevelt, who is seated behind me, would be here, we would feel Colonel Roosevelt's presence in the absence of the bust. A living, breathing descendant of the President, who bears a striking resemblance to him, I think, reminds us all of Theodore Roosevelt's presence.

    Mr. Chairman, on July 1, 1898, Lt. Col. Theodore Roosevelt of the 1st U.S. Volunteer Cavalry led an extraordinary charge on San Juan Heights, located on the island of Cuba, during the Spanish-American War. Eyewitness accounts indicate that Colonel Roosevelt distinguished himself by ''displaying the greatest bravery, and placing his life in extreme jeopardy by unavoidable danger to severe fire.''
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    Mr. Chairman, if I may, I will cut to the heart of the matter; that is, whether or not Theodore Roosevelt showed extraordinary valor under fire during the time of that assault.

    I have had conversations in recent days with the acting Secretary of the Army and the Secretary of the Army, where a position was presented to me that although Theodore Roosevelt, they claim, had been brave on that day, they claim, in the words of Mr. Caldera when he and I had a conversation a week ago, it did not appear based on the Army's analysis of the recommendation, that the courage shown by Theodore Roosevelt was extraordinary by comparison to other officers of similar rank and responsibility.

    Mr. Chairman, I have been a member of this committee for 6 years. I have been a United States Marine for 26 years. I would like to state to you in the strongest possible personal terms that the valor displayed by Theodore Roosevelt that day July 1, 1898, was absolutely extraordinary, breathtaking.

    If anything, history has not credited to Theodore Roosevelt the full measure of courage he showed under fire, and I respectfully submit, for reasons I find inexplicable, the Army has failed to appreciate his leadership at that time and place. I believe, however, that the record of contemporaneous correspondence captures full well the point I am making.

    As I read these to you, these accounts of men with him during that battle, I ask you to determine whether or not the courage that Theodore Roosevelt showed that day was extraordinary and whether or not, in light of the observations of those who were there, he did indeed earn the Medal of Honor.
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    July 6, 1898, just 5 days after the battle, to the Adjutant General, Washington, DC:

    Sir, I have the honor to recommend Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, 1st U.S. Voluntary Cavalry, for the Medal of Honor for distinguished gallantry in leading a charge on one of the entrenched hills to the east of the Spanish position in the suburbs of Santiago de Cuba July 1, 1898, Very respectfully, Leonard Wood, Colonel, U.S. 1st Volunteer Cavalry—Roosevelt's commanding officer.

    First endorsement, 3 days later, July 9, 1898:

    Earnestly recommended, Joseph Wheeler, General, U.S. Volunteers, commanding.

    Second endorsement, July 9, 1898, respectfully forwarded to the Adjutant General of the Army:

    Approved; William R. Shafter, U.S. Volunteers, commanding.

    The recommendation then went to Secretary Alger, and from that point forward what was purely a military recommendation, based on extraordinary courage under fire, became mired in unrelated tangential and unfortunate politics.

    Let me read to you, however, the firsthand observations of those who witnessed Theodore Roosevelt's courage:
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    Headquarters, United States Military Academy, April 5, 1899.

    Sir, in compliance with the request contained in your recent letter of the 30th of the board convened to consider the awarding of brevets, medals and honors for the Santiago campaign that I state any facts within my knowledge as Adjutant General of the Brigade in which Colonel Theodore Roosevelt served, to aid the board in determining in connection with Colonel Roosevelt's application for a Medal of Honor whether his conduct at Santiago was such as to distinguish himself above others, I have the honor to submit the following:

    My duties on July 1, 1898, brought me in constant observation of and contact with Colonel Roosevelt from early morning until shortly before the climax of the assault of the Cavalry Division on the San Juan Hill, so-called Kettle Hill. During this time, while under the enemy's artillery fire from El Poso and while on the march from El Poso by the San Juan fjord, to the point from which his regiment moved to the assault about 2 miles, the greater part under fire, Colonel Roosevelt was conspicuous above any others I observed in his regiment in zealous performance of duty, in total disregard of his personal danger, and in his eagerness to meet the enemy.

    At El Poso, when the enemy opened on that place with artillery fire, a shrapnel bullet grazed one of Colonel Roosevelt's wrists. The incident did not lessen his exposure under fire, but he continued so exposed until he had placed his command under cover.

    In moving to the assault of San Juan, Colonel Roosevelt was most conspicuously brave, gallant and indifferent to his own safety. He, in the open, led his regiment. No officer could have set a more striking example to his men or displayed more intrepedity.
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    Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Colonel, U.S. Army, Superintendent of West Point.

    The second piece of correspondence, December 17, 1898:

    I hereby certify that on July 1, 1898, Colonel, then Lieutenant Colonel, Theodore Roosevelt, 1st Volunteer Cavalry, distinguished himself throughout the action, and on two occasions during the battle, when I was an eyewitness to his conduct, was most conspicuous and clearly distinguished above other men as follows:

    Number one, at the base of the San Juan, or first hill, there was a strong wire fence or entanglement in which the line hesitated under grueling fire and where the losses were severe. Colonel Roosevelt jumped through the fence, and by his enthusiasm, his example and courage, succeeded in leading to the crest of the hill a line sufficiently strong to capture it.

    In this charge, the cavalry division suffered its greatest loss, and the Colonel's life was placed in extreme jeopardy owing to the conspicuous position he took in leading the line and being the first to reach the crest of that hill while under heavy fire of the enemy at close range.

    Number two, at the extreme advance position occupied by our lines, Colonel Roosevelt found himself the senior, and under instructions from General Sumner to hold that position, he displaced the greatest bravery and placed his life in extreme jeopardy by unavoidable exposure to severe fire while adjusting and strengthening the line, placing the men in positions which afforded best protection; and his conduct and example steadied the men by severe but necessary measures to prevent a small detachment from stampeding to the rear.
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    He displayed the most conspicuous gallantry, courage and coolness in performing extraordinarily hazardous duty. Captain, 1st Lieutenant, U.S. Cavalry.

    December 30, 1898:

    I have the honor to recommend the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, late Colonel of the 1st Volunteers, U.S. Cavalry, for the Medal of Honor as a reward for conspicuous gallantry on July 1, 1898. Colonel Roosevelt, by his example and fearlessness, inspired his men both at Kettle Hill and the ridge known as San Juan, he led his command in person. I was an eyewitness of Colonel Roosevelt's action.—Very respectfully, Major General, U.S.V.

    I hereby certify that on July 1, 1898, at the Battle of San Juan, Cuba, I witnessed Colonel Roosevelt, then Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt, 1st Voluntary Cavalry, United States Army, mounted leading his regiment in the charge on San Juan. By his gallantry and strong personality, he contributed most materially to the success of the charge of the Cavalry Division up San Juan Hill.

    Colonel Roosevelt was among the first to reach the crest of the hill, and his dashing example, his absolute fearlessness and gallant leading rendered his conduct conspicuous and clearly distinguished above other men.—Captain, Second Cavalry.

    Now a letter from Theodore Roosevelt himself, dated December 13, 1898, some 5 months approximately after the battle.

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    My dear General Corbin, I thank for your letter. I have sent it to General Wood; Captain Stevens of the Ninth; Captain Steel, who is on General Wheeler's staff; General Sumner; Captain House, who was also on the staff; Major Jenkins of the 1st Volunteer Cavalry; Lieutenant Ferguson of the 1st Volunteer Cavalry; Lieutenant Carr of the same regiment; and I think, Lieutenant Goodrich, together with a number of troopers—notably, my orderly named Henry Barchar—were with me during most of the engagement.

    Would you like me to get letters from them? I would, of course, have gotten them before, but I suppose that the recommendation and endorsement of my three commanding officers, who were all in the action at the time and were either eyewitnesses or got their impressions from reports to them of other eyewitnesses, would be sufficient.

    Very sincerely yours, Theodore Roosevelt.

    And now a response from the acting Secretary of War. Mr. Chairman, I thank you for your indulgence; I am just about finished with my opening remarks.

    I ask you, in light of what I just read, extraordinary firsthand documentation of Theodore Roosevelt's courage, to listen to the initial response from the acting Secretary of War. The tone of the correspondence reflects an attitude that I think will be familiar to every Member of today's United States Congress.

    To Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, Long Island.

    My dear sir, in reply to your letter of recent date relative to an application for the award of the Medal of Honor to you, I beg to say that such an application made by Colonel Leonard Wood, 1st U.S. Volunteer Cavalry, and recommended by Generals Wheeler and Shafter, is on file in the department. Owing to the pressure of current work, the department is unable to give consideration to cases of this type at the present time, but the application made in your behalf will receive careful attention as soon as it is found practicable to take up these cases.
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    Very respectfully, acting Secretary of War.

    And finally——

    Mr. BUYER. Mr. McHale, I think they still have that stock letter on file.

    Mr. MCHALE. I have received it several times.

    Albany, January 18, 1899, from Theodore Roosevelt to Henry Cabot Lodge—in part

    As for the infernal Medal of Honor, I really wish and ask that you do nothing more about it at all. Alger—the Secretary of War Alger—has succeeded in putting the matter in such a position that now if it is granted, it will look as though I had to get political influence to have it granted.

    The War Department, including the members of the board who are to award the medal, have been stating that I have sought to bring pressure to bear through politicians to force the giving of the medal, the same members of the board being particularly careful not to mention Alger's outrageous conduct in publicly stating again and again that I should not receive the medal which was, in itself, the strongest kind of pressure upon the board to refuse it, these statements being made when he knew absolutely not one thing about the matter.

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    I felt very angry about it at first, but I do not feel angry now. * * *

    Mr. Chairman, I have spoken before this committee on many occasions, both as a member and occasionally as a witness. Never have I felt more passionately about an injustice. One hundred years ago a brave man, who happened to become President of the United States, led an assault under intense enemy fire, constantly exposing himself to that fire, heedless of his own safety, in a manner that I think parallels that of Shoup at Tarawa. He led an important unit in a decisive engagement where, through his own decision-making process, he was constantly, constantly in mortal danger.

    After the war and I believe as a direct result of very well-documented, highly public conflicts with the then-Secretary of War, despite the fact that the military chain of command had approved and reapproved on two occasions the granting of this medal, it was, in fact, I would argue, political influence that prevented the award from going to a lieutenant colonel who had earned it through his bravery.

    The impetus for my involvement began about a year ago when I read one of many biographies of Theodore Roosevelt. I probably have a shelf of 15 or 20 such biographies back in my office and at home. I became absolutely, unequivocally convinced that because of political pressure, not because of a lack of bravery, a medal that would otherwise have been granted was refused.

    After Roosevelt died, Edith, his widow, said the failure to receive the Medal of Honor after Roosevelt had earned it was one of the greatest disappointments of the President's life.
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    We today have an opportunity to correct a century of injustice by granting to a brave man, who happened to become President—and not because he was President, but because of the leadership he displayed that day—a medal that is a century overdue.

    I earnestly ask that you and other members of the subcommittee join with Mr. Lazio and myself in promptly reporting out this bill so that that injustice may now, a hundred years later, be corrected.

    Thank you.

    Mr. BUYER. Thank you. Mr. Lazio.

STATEMENT OF HON. RICK LAZIO, A REPRESENTATIVE FROM NEW YORK

    Mr. LAZIO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. First of all, let me thank you for your interest and for the invitation, also.

    Mr. Pickett, I appreciate your being here.

    I want to associate myself with Congressman McHale's comments and complimenting him on just not the thoroughness of his research, but the energy he brought to this task. I would be remiss if I did not tip my hat to the Theodore Roosevelt Association, that was represented by Dr. Gable, who will be testifying later on, for their wonderful work in keeping the flame alive.
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    I have, among other things, a letter from Edmund Morris, who I understand will testify later on. I wonder if the committee would entertain allowing that to be included in the record.

    Mr. BUYER. Without objection, so entered.

    [The information referred to can be found in the appendix on page 64.]

    Mr. LAZIO. Some time ago I began researching and assembling an application to the Department of the Army, asking for reconsideration for Colonel Roosevelt. I submitted that application on September 8, 1997, over 1 year ago. The application includes 17 pages of argument and numerous exhibits.

    We have that here, Mr. Chairman.

    Many of the exhibits are contemporaneous, some of those cited by Congressman McHale, firsthand accounts and letters from Roosevelt's superiors and subordinates, supporting the application for the Medal of Honor. I think these documents make clear that Roosevelt enjoyed unanimous support in his Medal of Honor application.

    Roosevelt was recommended by his colonel, Leonard Wood, Colonel Woods's recommendation was supported by renowned Major General Joseph Wheeler and Major General Shafter. Their written recommendation was swift, just 8 days after the battle. Initially, Roosevelt's application was rejected for language of specific information, but in response to this, several more detailed eyewitness accounts were obtained and provided for review.
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    Colonel Wood, himself a Medal of Honor recipient in this action, wrote regarding the charge up San Juan Hill, that ''Colonel Roosevelt, accompanied by only four or five men, led a very desperate and extremely gallant charge on San Juan Hill, thereby setting a splendid example to his troops.''

    This view is widely shared. It is clear that Roosevelt stood out during that day.

    We must examine Roosevelt's actions from the perspective of 100 years ago. That is really what makes this a unique challenge. We must refrain from comparing Roosevelt with modern heroes in analogous terms. We have to remember, the weapons of the Spanish-American War were primitive even when compared to the weapons of World War I.

    The machine gun was a new and relatively untested invention; rifles, one shot at a time. The Army still depended on men and horses to be effective. A single man could make a difference in action. During this period, that difference was made by leadership and example in action. In the modern age, this may still be the case, but the weapons of the day have opened opportunities for unprecedented individual achievement in combat.

    In my argument, I cite the action of Sergeant Finnis McCleery during the Vietnam War. McCleery single-handedly assaulted a hilltop Vietnamese bunker complex, firing his machine gun from the hip and tossing grenades at the enemy. Upon reaching the top of the hill, McCleery shouted encouragement to his platoon, who then joined him in the assault.

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    McCleery then began a lateral assault on the bunker line. McCleery's modern weapons made possible the damage he inflicted. However, the underlying factor in his success was his leadership and his courage.

    The Medal of Honor is not made of machine guns, grenades or killed enemies, but uncommon valor, courage and leadership. Strip away the weaponry, and Roosevelt's leadership and courage at Santiago is of the same caliber.

    The battle of the Santiago Heights, or as it is sometimes called, the battle of San Juan Hill, began with Roosevelt's cavalry pinned down at the base of Kettle Hill. Kettle Hill was fortified with heavily armed Spanish troops. The Spaniards were firing down upon the cavalry and infantry troops. The Americans were taking heavy casualties, and Roosevelt was grazed by a bullet, as Congressman McHale mentioned.

    It was Roosevelt who recognized the jeopardy his and other forces were facing while waiting to assault the hill. They finally relented to Roosevelt.

    Roosevelt then began the assault on the hill, while under heavy fire. His fearless example at this point causes him to stand out. With the volume of fire coming down the hill and the number of casualties accruing, Roosevelt could not have been criticized for abandoning the assault. Roosevelt did not do this.

    Roosevelt was regarded with the utmost respect by his men; he led by example. Armed with only a revolver, he charged up that hill, knowing that by his example and in the face of relentless enemy fire, his men would follow his lead. His courage inspired them to make the charge at great risk to their own lives.
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    As they rushed Kettle Hill, Roosevelt kept the troops organized, encouraged, and despite orders to simply advance upon the hill, Roosevelt made the decision to make a charge because the slowness of the advance was exposing the men to consistent deadly fire. Roosevelt and the Rough Riders soon overtook the stalled infantry, and American troops captured the hill soon thereafter.

    Once Roosevelt and his men took Kettle Hill, they could have stopped. They had achieved their objective and had taken many casualties. This is what put Roosevelt above the rest. After taking Kettle Hill, Roosevelt upon his own initiative, started a second charge on San Juan Hill which was under assault from other American forces. He personally killed at least one Spaniard in this charge.

    Nobody would have criticized Roosevelt if he and the Rough Riders had stayed on Kettle Hill and consolidated their position. However, Roosevelt wanted to do more. He charged the hill because he realized that he and his troops could make a difference in taking that hill. The Rough Riders opened up a second front on that hill, drew fire away from other American troops and expedited its capture by American forces.

    It cannot be estimated how many American lives were saved by this action, but no one can doubt the value of opening the second front. Even though Roosevelt had lost a lot of men, he made this second charge on his own initiative. The spirit of his leadership inspired his men to forget the risks and losses while focusing on the goal.

    Despite the unanimous recommendation of his superiors and the support of the soldiers that he led, Roosevelt did not, of course, as we know now, receive the Medal of Honor. Many feel he did not receive the Medal of Honor because of his letter to President McKinley trying to get his sick troops back home. Others suggested he was slighted because of a bias against officers or volunteers. Mr. Edmund Morris attributes it, at least in part, to Roosevelt's exuberance and a combination of the other mentioned factors.
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    What is very clear is that Roosevelt deserved the Medal of Honor, and he did not receive it.

    It is easy to see how this matter could be lost in the affairs of the day. Roosevelt returned a national hero. Within 4 months of his return, he was elected Governor of the State of New York; and within 3 years, he would be elected President of the United States. These achievements, along with his achievements as President, have overshadowed Roosevelt's heroism in battle in the annals of history.

    Even a hundred years later it is important the record be made complete, correct and fair. He was not only a great President and politician, an excellent Assistant Secretary of the Navy, an accomplished Police Commissioner and reformer, and a great American, he was also a hero with courage and integrity that should inspire all Americans. We speak more and more about role models in our society. He was a role model of the first order.

    He is an acknowledged inspiration to another famous Roosevelt, his cousin—Franklin Delano. He should still be a role model for all Americans. The same character that made him a role model made him a hero. America could use some of that character right now.

    The citation for Lieutenant Colonel Wendell Neville during the Mexican campaign of 1915 could easily be inserted in a citation for Theodore Roosevelt, and it reads as follows:

    His duties required him to be at points of great danger in directing his officers, and he exhibited conspicuous courage, coolness, and skill in his conduct of the fighting. Upon his courage and skill depended, in great measure, success or failure. His responsibilities were great, and he met them in a manner worthy of commendation.
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    As we said with Colonel Neville and countless others, we should be able to say about Theodore Roosevelt now. He has waited long enough for the recognition he deserves.

    I thank the Chairman.

    [The prepared statement of Mr. Lazio can be found in the appendix on page 41.]

    Mr. BUYER. Thank you for your testimony.

    I have some questions for both of you.

    This deals with your communications with the Department of the Army and whether or not you received any insight in the evidence that is fueling the debate with regard to the recent board action.

    Do you have any insight you can help me with? I understand there was reconsideration, yet the Secretary selected not to——

    Mr. MCHALE. I think we need to be candid. The action undertaken by the Department of the Army occurred without notice to Members of Congress, or at least without any meaningful notice to Members of Congress, after legislation was introduced to award the Medal of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt.

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    There are, at present, I think 161 cosponsors on that legislation. The Department was well aware of that legislation; nonetheless, when the board was convened, no notice was given to me. No notice was given to the vast majority, perhaps all the other cosponsors of the bill. The board was convened in secrecy.

    I would like to find a more delicate way in which to phrase that, but at least from my perspective that is the simple truth. The board was not open to submission of input by those of us with strong interest in the case. There were no witnesses that came forward from organizations and other groups that had an interest in the determination of whether or not the award was to be granted.

    I knew nothing about that award or its denial, Mr. Chairman, until after you and I had a conversation where you had had a chance encounter with the acting Secretary of the Army; and in response to our conversation, I called Mr. Walker.

    He then informed me that indeed the board had reviewed the matter, and based on an evidentiary record that I think was thin to nonexistent, with some submissions but not the quantity of evidence that could have been submitted, they reached a determination that Colonel Roosevelt's behavior, bravery in battle that day, contrary to all the observations I have read into the record, had not risen above that expected of an officer of his grade and assignment.

    Mr. BUYER. All the letters you read into the record, does the Department of the Army have the letters you read into the record?

    Mr. MCHALE. The National Archives has those. They had access to those letters; whether they considered them or not, I don't know.
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    Moreover, I spoke last week with Secretary Caldera—and I want to emphasize, this is not a personal criticism of the Secretary; he has been accessible and very courteous in the contacts I have had with him. But he called to say to me that contrary to the assurance that had been given to me by acting Secretary Walker, that he was inclined—he, Secretary Walker, was inclined to recommend that the board's decision not be accepted and that, in fact, the medal would be granted.

    Secretary Caldera really went back to square one and said to me:

    Congressman, I have now been advised by the board that Theodore Roosevelt's bravery in battle did not rise to the level that would justify the Medal of Honor and, indeed, it did not rise to the level of men who fought in that engagement.

    I think the evidentiary record is clear that despite the extraordinary bravery shown by others in that engagement, Theodore Roosevelt was preeminent. He was the leader on the battlefield. He almost uniquely was under constant fire by his own choice.

    So to summarize, the Department of the Army, for reasons that I truly cannot explain, has resisted this medal since the days of Secretary Alger. I believe I do know why Secretary Alger would not grant the medal, and perhaps it is simply inertia that caused the Army to reinforce Secretary Alger's decisions throughout the past 10 decades. In any event, Mr. Chairman, when the Army reviewed this matter, the review from the earliest days of Secretary Alger's involvement up to and including last week has been tainted by a denial of due process.

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    The Army, for reasons that I truly do not understand, has refused to be open to submissions, has refused to review the entire record and has consistently in private denied the medal despite the fact that those who were there felt almost unanimously, certainly the three commanding officers felt the medal should be granted. Why there has been that bias, I don't know, but it has been clearly felt over a century.

    Mr. BUYER. Mr. Lazio.

    Mr. LAZIO. The only thing I would say, associating myself with Congressman McHale in his remarks, the bottom line is it is exceedingly clear that the Medal of Honor was denied by Secretary Alger at the time, not because it was based on merit, but because of personality or political consequences particularly this round-robin letter.

    Mr. BUYER. Denied through acquiescence, not a formal denial.

    Mr. MCHALE. Yes.

    Mr. LAZIO. Exactly.

    Mr. MCHALE. The letter I read indicated they would take up the Medal of Honor application when it was practicable. We are still waiting for that moment.

    Mr. LAZIO. The things I find so troubling about the current process is that the medal was, the recommendations were not followed of the field commanders, including Colonel Wood on site who was a medal winner.
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    So there was a tainted process at the time of the submission of the recommendations. That taint continues to this day—this is unlike other contemporaneous events because it is a historical event—to not call in the historians, to have them probe that and look through that.

    As I mentioned before, Mr. Chairman, we submitted a brief. We were never notified there was any process that we even had an opportunity to ask for additional submissions.

    Mr. BUYER. Mr. Lazio, do you have any objections to the application, which you submitted to the Secretary of the Army, be submitted as a part of the record.

    Mr. LAZIO. Absolutely not. I have it here.

    Mr. BUYER. Not only the application, but its appendices. I would ask unanimous consent that that be made part of the record.

    [The information referred to can be found in the appendix on page 95.]

    Mr. MCHALE. If I could ask that unanimous consent that the letters in full text, from which I cited portions, be included in the record.

    Mr. BUYER. Without objection.

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    [The information referred to can be found in the appendix on page 167.]

    Mr. BUYER. I have two other matters. Are you able to stay for the next panel?

    Mr. LAZIO. I will try for most of it.

    Mr. MCHALE. Yes.

    Mr. BUYER. I will ask unanimous consent that Mr. Lazio, who is not a member of the National Security Committee, sit as a member and be permitted to ask questions.

    Hearing no objection, so ordered.

    What I will focus on, I want you both to know as we move to the next panel, the Personnel Subcommittee, we have been petitioned a lot with regard to correcting a wrong, or seeking to right the wrong of things that have happened in the past, whether it is a historian that has done great work to say that this division that was attached to another division that turned the tide of battle; that the major division was awarded a presidential citation, but the division that was attached did not, therefore we want you to award that to the attached division. I want to use that as an example.

    We have petitioned a lot, and I am very hesitant and other members of the subcommittee are very hesitant to overturn decisions made by people who were there, who were either on the battlefield, who were the commanders of the day.
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    I want you to know that as a predicate of the decision-making process, I give great benefit of the doubt to those who were there at the time, not to politicians who pass review later, whether it was a hundred years ago or that of today.

    So with that as the predicate for outlining a lot of decisions this subcommittee has to make, what I find as most probing in interest is what we can find about what happened on the day.

    So, Mr. Lazio, I concur with your testimony about a great man, great President, character, role model, I agree; but the medal is about what he did at a particular time and date and circumstance, and is the valor that he exercised such that it was conspicuous above all others on that day that also did truly turn the tide of battle?

    So I thank you for submitting that.

    Mr. MCHALE. Mr. Chairman, may I make a brief comment? The first time you and I spoke on this issue you indicated the extraordinary reverence that you have for the Medal of Honor by saying to me in private conversation what I said on the record.

    What drove me to read into the record the contemporaneous accounts of what Roosevelt did that day was that this situation is almost the reverse of the typical matter that would be brought before you and this subcommittee. In this case, it is not a matter of political leaders a century later reversing the judgment of those who were on the battlefield; in fact, in this case, we seek to corroborate that judgment.
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    Those who were there, as reflected in the letters that I read to you, clearly felt that Roosevelt's courage was preeminent; the military commanders on the battlefield endorsed and re-endorsed the granting of that medal.

    It was the political leadership at that time which blocked it. So unlike so many other situations where perhaps a military unit or individual does not receive the award based on a military judgment, and then an appeal is made to elected officials to reverse their judgment, this is a situation where the military commanders approved the award, a politician at the head of the department blocked it.

    I would urge you to keep exactly the focus that you had in our first conversation and precisely the focus you voiced a few moments ago; do defer to the military commanders, all of whom unanimously within the chain of command sought to grant this medal.

    Mr. BUYER. Mr. McHale, you and I have worked very hard over the past 2 years and not only members of the National Security Committee—Mr. Pickett and others—in trying to bridge the gap in biases and prejudices and cultural differences between Reserves and their active counterparts.

    I am going to ask this, and I will ask the next panel also, from a historical point of view whether there were cultural divisions at the time of the day between the citizen soldiers and the active duty counterparts.

    I had noted that the Rough Riders were true citizen soldiers, the U.S. Volunteer Cavalry. And the fact that I pledged I would read everything you gave me—and one thing I found most interesting, and I will share with you, Mr. Pickett, is that on the battlefield when the citizen soldiers were pinned down in the ''bloody ditch,'' I think it's called—the bloody ditch, and the U.S. Regulars were in front, Teddy Roosevelt wanted the actives to move forward, that his men were getting picked off in the bloody ditch and he couldn't get the active force to move. So he took his Rough Riders, the citizen volunteer soldiers and comingled his troops now where the active duty line was.
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    Mr. MCHALE. Yes, you are accurate.

    Mr. BUYER. So he commingled Reserves with active forces, and he still couldn't get the active duty to move. He then said, well, then, follow me, follow. And the Reserves then moved through the regular line and embarrassed—this is my term now—that would be an embarrassment to some of the professional soldiers—that got up from where they were and followed Colonel Roosevelt. That was very powerful.

    And so, to me, I am just wondering whether or not, Mr. McHale, you have been able to have any evidence or comment on whether there was a cultural bias or was that so evident an embarrassment in higher echelons of leadership, other than those whose letters you have read or those there associated with the battle of the day.

    Mr. MCHALE. Mr. Chairman, there was clearly a cultural bias. I have in front of me an excerpt, ''An Army for an Empire: The United States Army in the Spanish American War'' by Graham A. Cosmas. Mr. Cosmas, at the time of this writing, was the head of the General Histories Branch, U.S. Army Center for Military History, Washington, DC.

    I had no idea you would be presenting this question, but fortunately I have a very competent staff, and they have it here for me. Let me read just a couple of comments for you.

    Secretary Alger concluded his letter in Uptonian style by saying,

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    The superiority of such a force made up of professional officers and noncommissioned officers skilled in their respective duties over a hastily organized body officered by men new to the service both as regards effectiveness in action and economy of administration would be incalculable.

    He went on—this is further description——

    Under the War Department's plans, the Hull bill sponsors and many Army officers made clear, state volunteers and National Guardsmen in their own units would have no part in the attack on Cuba. Representative Hull told reporters March 17 that his bill was designed to make the regular Army the cadre for future volunteer forces; Adjutant General Corbin a few days later said, ''An Army capable of expansion from a peace basis of 27,000 to a war footing of 104,000 would answer all ordinary demands''.

    He also urged National Guardsmen to enlist as individuals in the expanding regular regiments. Other generals expressed similar views. They wanted only regulars for offensive operations, and they urged limiting of the National Guard to coast defense.

    Mr. BUYER. I also noted, of the 22 medals awarded for service in the Santiago area July 1, 1898, 21 of the 22 medals were awarded to members of the Army's regular units. One was to a volunteer, 1st Lt. Miles.

    I would now yield to Mr. Pickett for whatever questions he may have.

    Mr. PICKETT. I don't have any questions at this time, Mr. Chairman.
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    I want to commend the witnesses for the fine presentation they have made. I think it is extremely helpful, and I thank you for what you have done in working this up.

    Mr. BUYER. Thanks for your testimony and welcome to the hearing.

    Mr. LAZIO. I will have to leave about 10 after 3:00, Mr. Chairman.

    Mr. BUYER. You can join us for now.

    Our second panel I would like to announce, will be John A. Gable, Executive Director for the Theodore Roosevelt Association; Mr. Nathan Miller, author and historian of the biography of Theodore Roosevelt, ''Theodore Roosevelt: A Life''; and Mr. Tweed Roosevelt, the great-grandson of Theodore Roosevelt.

    The subcommittee is very appreciative to each of you for taking the time to share your perspective on this important issue.

    Mr. Roosevelt, we are especially appreciative that you are here and will be able to give your testimony today. I will yield to the panel and you may go ahead in any order you decide.

STATEMENT OF DR. JOHN A. GABLE, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT ASSOCIATION
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    Dr. GABLE. My name is John Gable, and I am the Executive Director, and have been since 1974, of the Theodore Roosevelt Association, which is a federally chartered, nonprofit organization and membership organization; and I was asked in connection with my appearance here whether we received any Federal money.

    My answer was, I would like to know how to get some.

    It is the other way around. We give money to the Federal Government and a lot of other things, too, including Theodore Roosevelt Island, which was given by our organization, as well as two other properties, Sagamore Hill, and the Theodore Roosevelt birthplace.

    We have over 1,700 members. We have members in all 50 States, and I represent them today. I will tell you from a personal standpoint I never contemplated seeking the Medal of Honor for Theodore Roosevelt simply because, you know, it was over with and the statute of limitations and so on.

    Then, of course, the whole situation changed by the passage of legislation by Congress which repealed the statute of limitations. Then, of course, Mr. McHale introduced legislation, so the ball was in our court at that point.

    We certainly support this measure.

    We have received a lot of letters and a lot of support for the Medal of Honor, and I would like to mention in that regard particularly people, officers and members of the Navy League—there are two officers of the Navy League here today, and members of the VFW—and their magazine featured this cause in a recent issue of their magazine. And we have received many letters from individual members of the VFW and a lot of support from them and, in general, many letters from veterans in support.
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    I would be happy to answer your questions, but there are a couple of points I would like to speak to.

    First, I understand—and I, too, would like—it would be nice if I got some information from the Army. It is like shadowboxing, though. I mean, why don't they tell us what they think? Where is the answer to all the letters that I have sent and other Americans have sent in? We would like to know. It is shadowboxing.

    But as near as I understand it, much of the Army's case against awarding the Medal of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt today is based on the proposition that his conduct did not stand out or differ from the actions of other brave officers on July 1, 1898.

    Well, while not denying there were many brave officers leading their men that day in that battle, Roosevelt's actions differed, first because he led not one, but two charges in the course of the battle; and second, all accounts are clear he was the only officer leading his men on horseback that day. That, of course, was a much more dangerous position than being on the ground.

    I am willing to stand corrected on the first count, if research turns up another who conspicuously led two charges. I can't find anybody who did, but maybe research will turn up somebody because it was quite a day. There was a lot of running hard and charging in that particular battle.

    I don't think so. He was probably the only one who led two charges, the only one noticed by historians.
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    But I yield to nobody on the matter of the horse. The record is quite clear. He is the only guy who had a horse. One reason is there were very few horses in Cuba because the Army never provided for the transportation of horses for the cavalry. They were mostly on foot.

    This was one of the few horses in Cuba that belonged to the U.S. Army, and Theodore Roosevelt was on that horse, obviously to be seen, to get around and inspire people. In fact, he said, how can any of you be afraid to follow me? I am on a horse, you know.

    And so I call that conspicuous, and I call that differing from the other brave people that day. And it is, ''personal bravery and self sacrifice as to clearly distinguish the individual above his comrades''.

    I would say that moves him into a different class.

    When you look at the record of the medals awarded that day, we see in the record a clear pattern of discrimination against the Rough Riders, and not only against the Rough Riders, but his whole regiment, I think for political reasons.

    But be that as it may, here is the pattern. Men from the other regiments in the battle of San Juan Heights, six from the 21st New York Regiment, eight from the 17th Regiment, nine from the 10th Cavalry; of the Rough Riders, only the assistant surgeon received a medal, one medal.

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    Since the Rough Riders were in heavy combat—and you know that their rate of casualties was 20 percent or something, so they were not sitting around somewhere; they were in the thick of the battle—why didn't they get medals like the other regiments? There is a clear pattern of discrimination; the pattern can't be denied.

    Yet there is something striking about the medals awarded that day, and here is where some people in the Army might be given an excuse. All went to men rescuing the wounded under fire, except for that assistant surgeon of the Rough Riders, who was obviously also involved in medical work under fire.

    The only exception is a man who was awarded the medal much later, in 1902, in a review of the case. Except for the guy who got the review in 1902 on review of the case, nobody was actually awarded the medal for combat. See, it is all for this helping the wounded under fire, which of course is splendid, but doesn't really contribute materially to the winning of the battle also. That is what they were obviously about for that day.

    I don't know about the panel that saw this, but apparently they were into helping people in the Medical Corps and nothing else, because nobody else gets noticed. That, however, is unfortunate, unfair and all kinds of things; but it is not that unusual, because other military historians tell me you see all kinds of weird patterns in the award of the Medal of Honor in the Civil War and right on through. In other words, this was not done in a systematic, scientific way, so you could have a type of particular pattern.

    Mr. BUYER. Are you familiar with the battle at Little Big Horn and those who received the Medal of Honor and what they did?
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    Dr. GABLE. No.

    Mr. BUYER. They used similar standards.

    Dr. GABLE. About under fire?

    Mr. BUYER. In the battle where Colonel Reno was and was under battle, there were some of the soldiers that snuck down into the river bed at night to get water and care for the wounded. Those were the ones that received the Medals of Honor.

    Just for the record, I wanted to let you know that.

    Dr. GABLE. That is very interesting.

    But at any rate, I think TR's record stands out. For example, he had two aides killed. One fell right across his knees, and the third fellow lived through the rest of the day. Find me another officer on that day who had two aides killed, and the third one submits one of the affidavits but only he lived through the day!

    You can go on and on. TR was nicked, of course.

    Mr. BUYER. I don't mean to interrupt your testimony; normally I never do this to anyone. Of his personal aides, wounded and fell upon his own body, and if we are trying to say——
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    Dr. GABLE. They were killed.

    Mr. BUYER. Do you know whether they were killed instantly, or whether he had to provide any care or assistance?

    Dr. GABLE. Instantly. One kid was drilled through the neck and died instantly. The other one also was struck and the bullet went right through him. They dropped dead immediately. That is how thick the fire was.

    Most of the people close to him were dying very fast and very decisively, Bucky O'Neill being the most famous.

    Mr. BUYER. When you make yourself that conspicuous——

    Dr. GABLE. He is the only one left.

    Mr. BUYER. I apologize. Please go on.

    Dr. GABLE. He was nicked. At one point he bled. He got one wound in the hand, which he put up with a handkerchief, and the others were various scrapes, in other words, the bullets came that close.

    I knew the last surviving Rough Rider—Jesse Langdon, the last Rough Rider—and he always said, Theodore Roosevelt had his glasses shot off at one point during the day. Roosevelt carried an extra pair of glasses, because he couldn't see without his glasses, so he just put on another pair.
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    Now, according to Langdon, it was by friendly fire, and Langdon said the one thing missing from the books was a lot of people were getting hit by friendly fire, but that is not too unusual, because it was uphill and they were coming from behind.

    But Roosevelt never wanted to mention anything about that sort of thing. So he never mentioned that his glasses were shot off, but Langdon swore that he saw it. And it is hearsay, of course. But I knew Langdon, and he would tell you, blow by blow and step by step, because it was two charges, not one.

    One of the other problems, of course, is what I might call geography; that is, you know, the confusion of terminology in this particular battle. The battle is called the Battle of San Juan Hill, the Battle of San Juan Hills, plural, or the Battle of San Juan Heights; and sometimes just the Battle of Santiago, although that is usually reserved for the naval portion of the action there. So there is confusion.

    Now, TR later said he didn't inquire about the names of the hills when he charged them, he just did it. But it is quite clear that people who opposed him for political reasons would use confusion over the names to make certain statements, as you will see in a minute.

    Now, there is a ridge overlooking Santiago—who controls the ridge controls the city—and that is San Juan Heights; sometimes it is called San Juan Hills.

    Now, it is bumpy. And one of those hill intersections or bumps is known as San Juan Hill.
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    Then there are several quite distinct hills separated from the San Juan Heights ridge. One of them is El Poso, and another is so-called Kettle Hill. Both of these hills are in front of the ridge; in other words, you have got to deal with these hills before you can deal with the ridge. TR charged up Kettle Hill with the 17th and the 10th, with the Buffalo Soldiers, black cavalry, on foot.

    He was on horseback until he got to a barbed wire fence, and he had to dismount and proceed the rest of the way on foot. That is the charge on horseback; and that is the one that is usually pictured, that is the one in Remington's painting, and Kunstler's more recent painting of the battle.

    When they got to the top, there they looked at the ridge which was still beyond them and saw assaults by other units on what is called San Juan Hill. So then, after some fire in that direction, TR led a second charge going across the valley between Kettle Hill and the San Juan Heights; and he led the charge up San Juan Heights, which came in slightly to the right of the San Juan Hill area.

    So for that reason, there were two charges. For that reason, people were later able to say, he didn't charge San Juan Hill, so he is a liar if he says he did; he never was at San Juan Hill.

    There was no question about it that the New York regiment, the 21st New York, which was primarily responsible for carrying that specific thing, San Juan Hill, was jealous and upset they never got the credit in the press.
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    This stuff started from day one. They would often use that kind of terminology, like, he wasn't at San Juan Hill and so on, and campaigns, of course; and that is really kind of an absurdity of logic.

    Now, there is something else. His campaign for the Medal of Honor could have continued, but it didn't and the reason it didn't—one reason it didn't is because—one reason was, he became President of the United States. That, of course, precluded the whole thing. He then couldn't do anything about it.

    I have not studied the matter completely, but as far as I know, the only thing he did with the Spanish-American War when he was President and had the power to do so, he made sure that one man who was wounded at San Juan Hill, who had never gotten any recognition, got the medal and got a promotion. This was a man who—a bullet passed through his skull, he lost his eyesight and he continued directing his part of the line without eyesight and bleeding.

    He recovered both his eyesight and from the wound, and he had received nothing. Roosevelt saw to that. But I know of no other case where he went into the war history——

    Mr. BUYER. His name is what?

    Dr. GABLE. I would have to look it up.

    Mr. BUYER. Lieutenant Mills. The only volunteer to actually receive the Medal of Honor was one that Teddy Roosevelt did.
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    Dr. GABLE. No, the assistant surgeon in 1902. I believe I am correct there was one that came up later.

    But—no, I guess you are right. It must have been this other guy, because I looked at the list for the whole period, including later. So it must have been Mills, must have been.

    Mr. BUYER. Right.

    Dr. GABLE. That is the only place he interfered with the record, and he really wouldn't discuss it after a certain point in time.

    As for Alger, it is very difficult to deal with him. In the first place, as far as I can see, he didn't leave any collection of papers that are substantial, and not that much—he is not one of the most famous figures in history.

    He is strange by any standard of measure, and Lewis Gould has published the most authoritative recent book on the McKinley administration, G–O–U–L–D, L–E–W–I–S, University of Texas in Austin. He is an expert on both Theodore Roosevelt and Mr. McKinley and the picture he gives of Alger is amazing. He became an embarrassment to the administration because of the scandals and ineptitude of his administration of the War Department. He was investigated. So McKinley never wanted to let him go under fire, so he thought he would wait until things died down and he would ask for his resignation.

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    When that time came, Alger refused to go and the final day of his service was that he was sat down in the White House with several other people and he wasn't going to leave the room until he wrote it out in longhand. So he wrote it out in longhand.

    They couldn't get Vice President Hobart, a close friend, as a source. Hobart was dying. That is why Roosevelt got the nomination, because the Vice President, Mr. Hobart from New Jersey, died. Everybody knew he was dying. And the President personally went to him in New Jersey and asked him to intercede with Alger to get Alger to resign because they were close friends. And he did.

    Alger threw a fit; and poor Vice President Hobart is in bed, you know. So he then comes back in the afternoon and says, I am not going to go and all that. This is a man—certainly he was intelligent, and he had run for President, I think in 1888. But he had been Governor of Michigan, he went on to the U.S. Senate, so he made a comeback from this, but his—he doesn't really inspire confidence in the way he dealt with Roosevelt.

    In your questions, Mr. Chairman, you talk about differences between the volunteers and the Regulars. There were some, but I don't find them in the field. I find them later and I find them fomented by Alger, see, because without going into a long explanation, once there was that round-robin letter, Alger struck back at him quickly——

    Mr. BUYER. What round-robin letter, referring to whom?

    Dr. GABLE. Well, that refers to the illness of the troops after the end of the war, end of the fighting. And as soon as they landed, from that day on, they began to get sick—yellow fever and everything, including dysentery and so on.
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    Mr. BUYER. Malaria?

    Dr. GABLE. Malaria, yes. General Wheeler came down with malaria, and they were dying every day, and of course it got worse and worse and worse.

    So all the officers wrote a round-robin letter to General Shafter, the commander—TR was a colonel; all the others were brigadier generals—saying the situation is desperate, we must get out.

    As I understand it, Shafter already twice requested that the troops be removed out of Cuba, and he had gotten no answer. Obviously, it had not been done. The officers also got wind they were contemplating moving them inland, you see, and that, they all deemed then, would have been just total suicide.

    Now, they had reached the end of their tether, and Roosevelt said—rather inelegantly said, ''I won't have that blood on my pants, on my skirts; they are not going to blame me, I am not going to do it.'' Because every day, of course, was loss of life. So the guys got together and wrote to General Shafter. He didn't want to hear about it. There is no question he had been trying to get help from the War Department.

    So a lot of them said, listen, here you got with Regulars—you are a volunteer, you are leaving the Army. We are Regulars, so you write. Besides, you are a public figure.

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    So TR then wrote a letter. So we are talking two letters now on Shaftner's desk. Roosevelt's was rather blunter. Shaftner then leaked them to the press.

    Could Roosevelt have stopped it? Did he know that would happen? Pretty much, yes. Sure, he could have stopped it. He could have not done it, but he made a choice and chose the health of all these people.

    Now, President McKinley read about it in the newspapers next day, communications were a little different than today. He was furious; he felt betrayed and his administration felt betrayed because Roosevelt had sent correspondence during the war, so why now in the newspapers?

    Obviously, TR felt they needed some psychological dynamite to get moving, and the other letters had not done any good.

    Alger's immediate response is to release a totally unrelated letter in which TR, like shortly before the round-robin letter, had asked to have his regiment moved to Puerto Rico where there was still some action going on. And basically the point was, if they are well enough to fight in Puerto Rico, you know, why are they so sick they need to go home?

    It is kind of circular. Certainly TR would rather fight if they were going to stay in the Army, but one doesn't preclude the other.

    The other thing was, in there he said he was in great shape and his regiment was better than any other regiment. There you get to the point where the idea was specifically done to—and then the Secretary includes a letter, all of which are released to the public in the same way the round-robin letter was, that is to say, just given out without first reaching him through the mail. That was to make all the Regulars and Reserve, because there were three basic types, the Reserve, Reserves from the militia units from the States, the Regulars and the volunteers. The volunteers were national in scope. That was meant to foment them.
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    The interesting thing about that was that Alger sent a messenger to TR in Montauk Point when he arrived—most people don't know that—and there was the letter; and the officer handed it to him, and he opened it, and it was a written apology from Alger saying he had lost his temper and that what he had done was not right.

    And TR referred to this as a manly letter. He never released that letter, and he never used it against Alger and he never said anything about Alger's rebuke. They just dropped that one part of it as kind of the way it was.

    TR, of course, didn't hurt him in politics except that stuff came back every time he ran for office.

    Mr. BUYER. I need to stop you here because I have to keep this in context. I appreciate your setting the stage for me to understand the relationships for all of us between Mr. Alger and perhaps why it was not awarded, but I will now yield time over now to Mr. Miller and I am most interested in your testimony and that which you may have that occurred by eyewitnesses and those of the moment of that particular day.

    Now I yield to Mr. Miller.

STATEMENT OF NATHAN MILLER, AUTHOR OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT, A LIFE

    Mr. MILLER. Mr. Chairman and members of the subcommittee, my name is Nathan Miller and I am the author of Theodore Roosevelt: A Life.
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    I appear here today to testify in behalf of the proposal to posthumously award the Medal of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt.

    I believe that President Roosevelt's leadership of the First United States Voluntary Cavalry Regiment—better known as the Rough Riders—at the battle of San Juan Heights, Cuba on July 1, 1898, merits this award because he exhibited courage and leadership well beyond the call of duty. While Colonel Roosevelt's conduct was described by witnesses as worthy of the Medal of Honor he was deprived of it because of political reasons. It is an oversight which should be remedied in this, the centennial year of the Spanish-American War.

    Theodore Roosevelt could have honorably declined active military service in that war. As Assistant Secretary of the Navy, he had done much to prepare the U.S. Navy for the conflict, and President William McKinley urged him to remain at that post. Moreover, he was almost 40 years old, nearly blind without his glasses, and had six children and a wife recovering from a near-fatal illness. But as we all know, to shirk duty was not Roosevelt's style. Having supported war with Spain, he knew that he had to be in the forefront for the sake of honor.

    With Leonard Wood, an experienced soldier who became its colonel, he organized the Rough Riders, which included in its ranks a cross-section of America: Cowboys, ranchmen, miners, gamblers, Indians, lawmen, sportsmen, soldiers of fortune, Ivy League sportsmen, society clubmen, New York City policemen, actors and musicians. In deference to Wood's superior military knowledge, Roosevelt accepted the rank of lieutenant colonel.

    A Spanish fleet had taken refuge behind the guns, mines, and fortifications of Santiago on Cuba's southeastern coast, and the Navy asked the Army to capture the city and thereby force the Spanish ships out to the open sea where they could be destroyed by its guns.
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    Santiago was defended from the land side by a series of Spanish blockhouses, trenches and lines of barbed wire atop a series of hills known as the San Juan Heights. Any attack would have to be launched over open ground without cover, and in the face of heavy enemy fire from modern breech-loading rifles and artillery. Moreover, the Americans were still using black powder, which gave away their positions, while the Spaniards had adopted smokeless powder which veiled their defenses.

    The assault began at daybreak on the morning of July 1, 1898. A flanking attack on the Spanish positions that was to precede the direct assault was held up by stiff enemy resistance, and the troops waiting in a clump of jungle to move forward came under heavy artillery fire. The area was soon filled with dead and wounded and the torn carcasses of horses and mules. Snipers took a heavy toll of the medical corpsmen and the surgeons as they worked over the wounded. Some militia units, poorly officered and under fire for the first time, panicked and ran.

    The Rough Riders, whose horses had been held up behind in Florida, stood fast with several regular Army regiments, including the 10th Cavalry unit, an all-black unit which had gained renown in the West as Buffalo Soldiers. They were also serving as dismounted cavalry.

    Breeder was now colonel of the regiment. He moved up and down the line, making sure there was as much cover as possible. The heat was intense and many men were showing signs of exhaustion, Yet there were no orders from Major General William R. Shafter, the 300-pound veteran in command of the 5th Corps.

    In fact, Shafter had been overcome by gout and was directing the battle from his cot. Richard Harding Davis of the New York Herald reported that volleys from the Spanish trenches sputtered and bullets sang continuously. The line broke and still no word came from General Shafter. The situation was desperate. The troops could not retreat for the trail for 2 miles behind them was wedged with men. They could not remain where they were without being shot to pieces.
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    Casualties among the Rough Riders were heavy as the regiment had been under attack, Roosevelt later observed, and they couldn't return the fire.

    Ernest Haskell was hit in the stomach while talking with Roosevelt. William Saunders, the colonel's orderly, collapsed from the heat, and Roosevelt detailed another trooper to take his place. Shortly after, Roosevelt directed him to go back and find a general—any general—to get permission to attack. The man was hit in the head and fell dying across the colonel's knees.

    Roosevelt was anxious to get his men into position to return the enemy fire, and he was about to take matters into his own hands and advance without orders. At 1:00 p.m. the Rough Riders were directed to support the regular cavalry in an assault on Kettle Hill, a knob forward and above them where there was a huge iron kettle used in the refining of sugar.

    ''The instant I received my orders, I sprang on my horse and then 'my crowded hour' began,'' he recalled. Roosevelt galloped up the line, back and forth, barking and shouting orders to advance. Section by section, the troopers rose, moved forward in open skirmishing order, and dropped down to fire. Instantly, they were followed by another section.

    Soon, Roosevelt had advanced through his line of skirmishers and was closing in on the Ninth Cavalry. Finding its senior white officers hesitant to advance without orders, he shouted, ''If you don't want to go forward let my men pass.'' The regiment's junior officers and black troopers sprang into line with the Rough Riders. ''I waved my hat and went up the hill with a rush,'' Roosevelt said. Richard Harding Davis described the assault in graphic terms:
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    They had no glittering bayonets, they were not massed in regular array. There were a few men in advance bunched together and creeping up a steep, sunny hill, the top of which roared and flashed with flame. The men held their guns pressed against their breasts and stepped forward heavily as they climbed. Behind these first few, spreading out like a fan, were single lines of men slipping and scrambling in the smooth grass moving forward with difficulty as though they were wading waist high through water, moving slowly, carefully, with strenuous effort.

    It was much more wonderful than any swinging charge could have been. They walked to greet death at every step, many of them, as they advanced, sinking suddenly or pitching forward and disappearing in the high grass. But the others waded on, stubbornly, forming a thin blue line that kept creeping higher and higher up the hill. It was inevitable as the rising tide. It was a miracle of self-sacrifice, a triumph of bulldog courage, which one watched with breathless wonder.

    Roosevelt was at the front of the charge, and the blue polka dot handkerchief he wore on the back of his hat to ward off the sun streamed out behind him like a guidon. ''By this time,'' he said, ''we were all in the spirit of the thing and greatly excited by the charge, the men cheering and running forward between the shots, as Mauser bullets zipped through the air.''

    Part way up the hill, the troops encountered a barbed wire fence and the men frantically hacked at it with knives and bayonets. Jumping off his horse, Roosevelt turned the animal loose and continued to advance on foot. The Spaniards fired a few last shots at the fast moving wave that was sweeping over them and retreated across a wide valley to the next line of hills.
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    Once his men had caught their wind, Roosevelt decided to attack the next line of Spanish trenches on a spur of San Juan Hill to the front of the Rough Riders from which a steady fire was coming. Believing that the regiment was behind him, he leaped over a barbed wire fence and ran forward into a little valley before the Spanish position. But the men either did not hear or see him. Roosevelt had advanced about 100 yards on his own when he discovered he had only five men with him. Bullets were ripping the air all about them.

    Telling the men with him to take cover, the colonel ran back and shouted and signaled for the regiment to follow. They came on with a rush, white and black troopers, Rough Riders and Regulars, all mixed together. Sweat ran down their faces and into their eyes and they could not use the sights of their weapons. But they rose and rove ahead.

    Just as the Americans leaped into the enemy trenches, most of the Spaniards fled, but two men bounded up and fired at Roosevelt. He emptied his revolver at them, missing one but filling the other. He ''doubled up * * * like a jack rabbit,'' Roosevelt told a friend. Upon reaching the crest of the hill, the victors drove the yellow silk flags of the cavalry into the soft earth—and unfurled them within sight of Santiago.

    Today, the Spanish-American War is looked upon as a comic opera, but it was serious business. American casualties at Santiago were heavy—205 killed and 1,180 wounded—or about 10 percent of those engaged. Believing Santiago was about to fall, the Spanish fleet tried to escape on July 3, 1898, and was completely destroyed by the U.S. Navy. Santiago was besieged until July 17, 1898, when the Spaniards finally surrendered.

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    But the troops remained in Cuba, their ranks ravaged by malaria and yellow fever. More than 4,000 men were on the sick list with Roosevelt calculating that fewer than half the 600 Rough Riders who landed on the island were fit for duty. General Shafter implored the War Department to bring the men home. But Secretary of War Russell A. Alger, who believed them infected with yellow fever and was afraid they would bring it with them, replied that the Army must remain in Cuba until the sickness had run its course.

    Shafter called a meeting of his ranking officers on August 3, with Roosevelt now an acting brigade commander, among them. They agreed that keeping the troops in Cuba would cause the death of thousands. Shafter proposed that the public be made aware of the plight of the Fifth Corps, but the Regular officers were wary of risking their careers by openly offending President McKinley and Secretary Alger.

    Roosevelt, who was to return to civilian life, had no such fears. All those present signed a ''round-robin'' letter that warned that the persons responsible for preventing the removal of the Army ''will be responsible for the unnecessary loss of many thousands of lives.'' Roosevelt leaked it to the press along with an even stronger personal letter stating, ''To keep us here * * * will simply involve the destruction of thousands.''

    McKinley and Alger were shocked and angry and there were veiled threats of a court-martial for Roosevelt. In revenge, Alger saw to it that he never got the Medal of Honor so many thought he deserved. Edith Roosevelt, the President's wife, thought it was ''one of the bitterest disappointments of his life.''

    It is within the power of this committee to right this century-old wrong to one of America's greatest men. I sincerely hope that you will do so.
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    Mr. BUYER. I would appreciate it if you would—whatever treaties, materials, manuscripts, letters, whatever is archived that helped in research of that or drafting of your book, if you would make that list and submit it to the committee.

    Mr. MILLER. I wrote the book about 6 years ago, but I disposed of those materials. I will give you the book. It is in the notes.

    Mr. BUYER. Fine.

    Mr. MILLER. It is in the back of the book.

    [The prepared statement of Mr. Miller can be found in the appendix on page 44.]

    Dr. GABLE. I stand corrected on the aides, one dropped from heat, not from a bullet, so he lost two aides; but one was shot, who fell across his knees. That is the one I remember.

    Mr. BUYER. Thank you very much.

    Mr. Roosevelt, we are honored by your presence and yield the microphone to you.

STATEMENT OF TWEED ROOSEVELT, GREAT-GRANDSON OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT
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    Mr. ROOSEVELT. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much. I am Tweed Roosevelt, a great-grandson of Theodore Roosevelt. First I would like to thank the members of the committee, and particularly thank Mr. Lazio and Mr. McHale for their very forceful testimony, as well as my two colleagues here.

    I view with mixed emotions Congressman McHale's suggestion that he was prepared to trade Ted Roosevelt's head, of course, with mine, and I hope to avoid that eventuality while I am here.

    Just to clarify Dr. Gable's statement, TR, the instance he was referring to, also occurred on the hill. A trooper was lying behind a bush, TR was on his horse, and TR suggested to the trooper that perhaps if TR was on a horse, the trooper could consider going forward; at which point the trooper started to rise and was drilled through the head—''end to end,'' TR said—and, of course, was killed. That was another example of a soldier who met his demise in the immediate vicinity of TR.

    I am conscious, Mr. Chairman, of your request that we present eyewitnesses. I think that the historians here present have adequately covered the facts of the case, although there are a few things I might clarify as cleanup batter.

    Mr. BUYER. Mr. Roosevelt, we would be interested in the family folklore; and we understand that it does get passed from generation to generation, maybe massaged or embellished or whatever, but it would be insightful to us.

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    Mr. ROOSEVELT. I will address that, too, Mr. Chairman.

    There are a few things that might relate to your specific question about eyewitnesses at the time and other examples, and some of these things maybe have been touched upon, but I thought I would add them.

    First of all, I don't think it has been underlined that the casualty rate of the Rough Riders going up that Hill was, I believe, the highest of any unit in the Spanish-American War, running at 20 percent. That is an extremely high casualty rate—40 percent when you included disease.

    The Spanish-American War was like almost every war up to the Second World War, more casualties resulted as a result of medical complications than from enemy attacks. That casts in different light the line about TR signing the round-robin letter and the disaster. Easily half of the troops could have been killed in the next few months, this being the beginning of the illness season.

    Another thing that hasn't been mentioned and I think deserves to be mentioned is, there were a number of foreign observers at the time, mostly military attaches, I believe, from other countries who had come as observers and stood at various places, eyewitnesses of the attack up San Juan Heights; and their reaction was universal almost of disbelief. Here we had troops attacking up against a heavily entrenched military force at the ridge of a hill in an open field, clearly what military officers see as extremely dangerous, if not foolish, without artillery cover. That had been right at the beginning.

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    Their response at the time, reported by newspaper reporters and others, was almost disbelief as they watched this charge. The charge is often thought of and pictured as a great racing charge, sometimes on horseback, which we know is not true. In fact, they described it as essentially a death march creeping up the hill, and that was reflected in Marshall's statement, ''It was a slow slug to the top as people were falling right and left.'' I think their testimony might also be of use to your consideration of this.

    I think I will go back to the family. I am not here representing only myself, but to represent the family, many members of whom I have spoken to and other people I have spoken to, who are in support of this effort, of course, and are appreciative of the committee's willingness to look into the matter.

    We also believe this is a particularly appropriate time for reconsideration of this because of both the fact, this is the 100th anniversary year of the events and also because TR's reputation seems to be clearly on the rise these days. That has a lot to do with much of what TR stood for, being viewed as particularly relevant to day and age.

    But his popularity is clearly indicated by the number of television shows, biographies by Mr. Miller and others; and perhaps most tellingly, by frequent quotations by politicians of his quotes, politicians both Republicans and Democrats, which I am pleased to see.

    TR seems to have entered into recognition by the general public and the world at large as representing something very fundamental about America and American ideals and views, so we think this is an appropriate time to reconsider it.

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    Certainly, members of the family believe that TR deserves consideration for receiving this Medal of Honor. And I, for some 50 years, have been the recipient of various family discussions on this subject, starting with my grandfather, Archibald Roosevelt, who was TR's fourth son, who would tell me stories about his father, but what really interested me is they were never bitter.

    Really the only mention in the family is that perhaps TR deserved it for what he did, but he didn't receive it. I never heard any sort of resentment, if I could say it that way. It was true that TR wanted the medal, and he was certainly disappointed when he didn't receive it, but it is also quite clear that he didn't resent the military as a result of this.

    In a very short period of time, he found himself in a position he could have retaliated as President of the United States, but I don't think the thought crossed his mind. In fact, he remained throughout his presidential career and the rest of his life an extraordinary supporter of all branches of the military.

    Certainly, he was well aware of the importance of the United States Navy. When he was an undergraduate at Harvard College, he wrote his undergraduate thesis on the subject of the naval history of the War of 1812, which was subsequently published in book form, and I am told is still available in the United States as the seminal work on the subject. And of course he had a major influence on the United States Navy.

    He was extremely interested in the U.S. Army and a great supporter of it and builder of it. There are many stories about what he did for the United States Army. One I am particularly interested in was that Theodore Roosevelt noticed, while President, that many senior Army officers were not in the best of physical condition. Now, understand this was a situation that he was well aware of, as mentioned already, because he had a commanding officer, General Shafter, who was over 300 pounds in weight and spent most of the battle time in bed.
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    So Theodore Roosevelt recognized the problem of having a senior corps not particularly physically fit. So what he did was rather than make a whole lot of rules and regulations about exercise and weight limits, all he did was require that senior military officers demonstrate they were able to ride a certain distance on a horse on a particular day and that anyone in good physical shape would be able to do that.

    Furthermore, in order to justify or to show this was a justifiable requirement, he himself while President rode, I believe, twice that distance in a snowstorm on a single day to prove it could be done. He supported the U.S. Army every chance he could get.

    But I think perhaps the best indication of Theodore Roosevelt, that he held no grudges against the Army, is that indicated by the sense of duty he inculcated into us as a family; and there is sort of an obvious exhibition of this in the family record of his sons and grandsons in the two World Wars. TR had four sons; all served in the First World War. Of his four sons, three were killed or died while in uniform; and his youngest son, Quentin, who was a Army aviator in the First World War was shot down over France in the middle of a dogfight with German pilots after only a few weeks in service.

    Ted Roosevelt's oldest son, Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., served with distinction, during which he received every single medal that the Army offered, including the Medal of Honor. He was discharged at the end of the First World War and reenlisted in the Second World War as a general officer, all this in the shadow of his father.

    It was clear to me as a child, and talk in the family, that this was all the result of the expectations of TR of his sons and respect for the Army. None, by the way, served in the Navy.
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    He had an excellent fighting record—other members, I hasten to add, have served quite well in the Navy, but none of his sons did. After an excellent record fighting in North Africa and Italy, he found himself in the preparation for D-Day. At the time, he was second in command of the division under General Tubby Barton; some of you may have heard of him. During the final practice for D-Day, he said it is not right for us to land on D-Day on the beach without a general officer present. There had been no plans to do that.

    He volunteered to General Barton. General Barton took one look at him—Uncle Ted, as we called him in the family, was rather ill at the time; he had various problems and he was walking with the help of a cane—and denied the request. Uncle Ted continued to request this, and eventually General Barton acquiesced, so when the first wave went onto Utah Beach, Uncle Ted was on the first wave.

    He landed on the beach. There had been a mix-up; the troops were landed several hundred yards to the west of where they were supposed to land. The decision had to be made whether to continue landing where they had landed which was a particularly unfortunate spot from the point of view of the heavily armed Germans who were there and a sea wall, rather than to move the landing back to the original spot.

    Thirty-five thousand soldiers were due to land. Uncle Ted made one of the most famous statements of that battle when he said, ''Gentlemen, the war begins here,'' and the 35,000 soldiers came in behind him.

    He continued fighting for a few more weeks or so, and after one day of heavy fighting, he went back to his tent and dropped dead of a heart attack. He was subsequently posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor for his activities on the beach that day.
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    Many years later General Omar Bradley was asked by a reporter—no relation to the family, just a reporter—to recount the bravest act he had seen as a military officer. He described General Theodore Roosevelt at Utah Beach on that day.

    Ted Roosevelt's third son, Archibald Roosevelt, my grandfather, also had a distinguished Army military career, in the First World War, he was an infantry officer, the youngest company commander in the Army. He was severely wounded in the arm and leg and almost died and was awarded the Croix de Guerre by a French general while being prepared for the operating table. He was subsequently 100 percent disabled out of the Army, and he went into private employment.

    When World War II arrived, he wanted to reenlist, he was an infantry officer by heart and he wanted to do that. He was in his late 40s; he wanted a frontline commission. The military, of course, did not want to give him a frontline commission. They didn't feel he was in appropriate physical condition, and he had not been in the military in the interim.

    It pays to have a relative in the White House, so he went to FDR and made the request again; and strings were pulled and my grandfather was appointed a colonel and now became the oldest battalion frontline commander in the Second World War.

    The military jocularly got back at him by sending him to New Guinea, where he fought amongst the most dangerous battles of the war and participated in the longest single action of the war, which I believe was a 98-day continuous action—I am not sure of the time exactly—in New Guinea.
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    He was again injured in the same arm and same leg, and was 100 percent disabled, becoming the only U.S. soldier to become 100 percent disabled in both wars.

    Theodore Roosevelt's second son, Kermit, also had a distinguished war record and died in uniform in World War II.

    I bring these up not so much to brag about my family's military history—in fact, I can say I never knew these facts; I didn't really learn them until I read Mr. Miller's book about the extent of the military success that my family had—I bring them up because it was just expected and treated as normal, and this came from Theodore Roosevelt.

    This did not come from elsewhere; this is what you were expected to do. There was nothing unusual about it, and we didn't brag about it. I remember as a kid my grandfather used to give me what he called his ditty box while he was shaving and telling me stories of various kinds, and in there were his medals, including the Croix de Guerre, and I had no idea what it was.

    In any case, I think there is no doubt TR's attitude about the Army and the duty to serve one's country shines through the behavior of the next two generations in my family. I know I speak for my family when I thank this committee for its help in our efforts and everyone's efforts in considering the awarding of the Medal of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt.

    I am sure if this effort is successful, it will be popular with the country. Theodore Roosevelt will be the first President to have received the Medal of Honor. It will be interesting in the first place because he will be the first Nobel Peace Prize winner to ever receive the Medal of Honor. I believe if Theodore Roosevelt receives this honor, it will be a reason for all Americans to be proud of their country.
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    Thank you, sir.

    Mr. BUYER. Thank you, Mr. Roosevelt.

    [The prepared statement of Mr. Roosevelt can be found in the appendix on page 52.]

    Mr. BUYER. Mr. Pickett.

    Mr. PICKETT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am mesmerized, and the best I can tell, we got a thorough and complete presentation. I wanted to thank the witnesses for the fine job that you have done.

    Mr. BUYER. Mr. McHale.

    Mr. MCHALE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

    Mr. Miller, I have your book in front of me, and following up on the request of the chairman, let me read a brief passage from your book. It provides Roosevelt's own overview of the action that day.

    This is from your book, this is not a quote from Roosevelt:

    As the Rough Riders dug, he made a quick tally of the regiment's strength that had gone into action with about 400 men. Eighty-six had been killed or wounded, six were missing and nearly 40 were down with heat prostration. Some troops were now commanded by second lieutenants. There was no food except for what they found in the blockhouses. The water was bad, and they slept in the rain-soaked, muddy trenches without cover.
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    Personally, Roosevelt was proud of his own performance under fire, quote, ''For 3 days I had been at the extreme front of the firing line,'' he wrote home. ''How I escaped, I know not.''

    He was pleased when General Wheeler recommended him for the Medal of Honor. While he very much wanted the decoration, ''It doesn't make much difference,'' he said. ''Nothing can take away the fact that for 10 great days of my life, I commanded the regiment and led it victoriously in hard-fought battle. And I never expected to come through. I am as strong as a bull moose.''

    Mr. Miller, my first and perhaps only question to you is, will you sign my book?

    Mr. MILLER. It is a pleasure.

    Mr. MCHALE. Thank you. I will take you up on that as well.

    You mentioned earlier, Mr. Miller, that you knew Jesse Langdon.

    Dr. Gable, I believe you made that reference, excuse me. Jesse Langdon, the last Rough Rider, in an August 1969 interview said, ''Roosevelt was right there in the middle of it. He was fearless. If he had fear, nobody knew it.''

    Is that consistent with everything Mr. Langdon told you?
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    Dr. GABLE. Absolutely.

    He died in 1975, by the way.

    Mr. MCHALE. Just 6 years after that interview.

    Dr. GABLE. Yes. He spoke to historians a great deal in the last years and was cross-examined from all directions. His testimony was, you know, very, very clear on that. He had been fairly close physically to where Roosevelt was during both charges.

    Mr. MCHALE. Mr. Roosevelt, I am not sure where I read this, and perhaps you do know, but I remember years ago reading an account of your great-grandfather's response to the death of his son Quentin. He wrote with both grief and pride of the tremendous burden of soul that had been placed upon him, knowing he had taught Quentin those values that had taken him into battle and ultimately cost his son his life, very consistent with the family heritage.

    Do you remember where that was written?

    Mr. MILLER. It is quoted in the book, sir.

    Dr. GABLE. Both life and death are part of the—I know what you mean, you are referring to the letter to Edith Wharton in which he said, ''This is a very serious side for a father to have advocated conduct which led to the death of his son.''
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    Mr. MCHALE. Yes.

    Dr. GABLE. That is the way he puts it, because he had urged entry into World War I.

    Mr. MCHALE. He wrote that with sadness, but not regret.

    Dr. GABLE. That is the way it is. As Mrs. Roosevelt said, ''You can't raise boys as eagles and expect them to turn out as sparrows.''

    They asked her to submit a statement to the French newspapers to be published; and she said, ''Four sons at the front, that is my statement written for all men to see.''

    So they definitely had this tradition.

    Mr. ROOSEVELT. But it certainly was an extraordinarily traumatic event for the family, of course, and went on as different members fell at different times.

    I think John is right, we were a family proud to offer our sons to protect the country; but it was, of course, a great family tragedy.

    Mr. MCHALE. There is a very moving account in Mr. Miller's book and others about how notice was delivered to Oyster Bay of Quentin's death and how your great-grandfather responded to that dramatic information.
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    My final information is really this, I am aware of the fact that TR, Jr., received the Medal posthumously for the landing at Utah Beach.

    Correct me if I am wrong. If, in fact, this committee recommends the Medal of Honor for Teddy Roosevelt, and he ultimately receives the Medal of Honor, as I hope he will, there is no other father-son combination of Americans, other than MacArthurs——

    Mr. ROOSEVELT. That is correct. Arthur and Douglas currently are the only father and son to receive the Medal of Honor.

    Mr. MCHALE. We hope to add to the list.

    Again, I may be wrong in this, but I don't believe that I am: I had the opportunity to visit the Roosevelt Room in the White House, and I have seen the Nobel Peace Prize that rests on a mantle in the White House. It would be my sincere desire that as a direct result of the action of this subcommittee, we can at some point put on display, immediately adjacent to the Nobel Peace Prize, the Medal of Honor.

    Mr. ROOSEVELT. I certainly think that is a wonderful idea.

    Mr. MCHALE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

    Mr. BUYER. Let me ask Mr. Roosevelt, the gentlemen to your right—both of them made comments about Secretary Alger. Can you add anything to this on what, if anything, between your great-grandfather and Secretary Alger would have caused him to acquiesce?
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    Mr. ROOSEVELT. I only report to you the family view on the subject.

    Mr. BUYER. That is what I would like to know.

    Mr. ROOSEVELT. It is certainly believed by many family members, because of the signing of the round-robin letter and the actions taken to remove the troops from Cuba, that that played a big role in this; that Secretary Alger did in fact hold that against Theodore Roosevelt, and that played a role. This was kind of the feeling in the family.

    Other than that, I think just two things—I have never heard anybody offer any other explanation, and kind of the feeling is that in some way—although not literally within the scope of the awarding of the medal, in some ways he deserved the Medal of Honor for that action. It certainly saved more lives, it is believed, than—a tremendous number of lives. But that was yet another example of Theodore Roosevelt's willingness to put the needs of the country and the needs of his men above his own personal desires and wishes.

    I think that we all would agree that if he had to do it over, and if it is true that Alger prevented him from getting the medal because of the round-robin letter, we all, and he—and we would encourage him and he certainly would sign the letter again.

    Mr. BUYER. I am left with a distinct impression that the clear intent of Teddy Roosevelt to mount his horse was to inspire his men. Is that correct?

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    Mr. ROOSEVELT. Yes, I think there is absolutely no question—he stated, stated by many people——

    Mr. BUYER. And others present.

    Mr. ROOSEVELT. Yes.

    Mr. BUYER. So with regard to the issue on that, which is for him to be conspicuous.

    Dr. GABLE. Literally conspicuous, standing above.

    Mr. BUYER. To the peril of those who would come close to him.

    Dr. GABLE. That is right.

    Mr. BUYER. Makes you wonder how a bullet ever did miss him.

    With regard to the glasses in the family; is that true or not?

    Mr. ROOSEVELT. I don't know. We don't know.

    Mr. MILLER. He kept an extra set of glasses in his hat.

    Mr. ROOSEVELT. We all know he took several sets of glasses, as he did to Africa and elsewhere, but that story, I can't——
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    Mr. BUYER. And the Colonel Leonard Wood who recommended the Medal of Honor, is this the very same Dr.——Colonel Leonard Wood; is this the same Leonard Wood for whom the fort is named in Missouri?

    Mr. MILLER. Yes, sir, he won a medal in the campaign against Geronimo.

    Mr. BUYER. He won a medal in the campaign against Geronimo?

    Dr. GABLE. Yes, sir, and went on to be Chief of Staff of the Army.

    Mr. BUYER. It is of interest to note that an individual whom the Army would also honor by having an installation in his memory and in tribute, a man who is also a recipient of the medal, would he not be an individual that would completely understand the meaning of the medal, not only by what it takes to receive it, in qualification, but also what it means to wear it. Would you concur?

    Mr. MILLER. Yes, sir, I would.

    Mr. BUYER. If you had to be a decision-maker and you even had to choose upon the gravity of someone's account, one of whom had received the Medal of Honor and one of whom had not, would it be a rational basis to give greater gravity to a recommendation coming from the recipient of a Medal of Honor?
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    Would you concur, Mr. Roosevelt?

    Mr. ROOSEVELT. Yes, sir, I would.

    Mr. MILLER. Yes, sir.

    Dr. GABLE. There were two Medal of Honor winners. Shafter had also won the Medal of Honor in the Civil War, and he was the commanding officer who also negotiated this; so he was recommended by two Medal of Honor winners.

    Mr. BUYER. I wasn't aware of that.

    Dr. GABLE. Wood went on to be the Chief of the Army. Wood would be—to put it in our situation, it would be like being recommended by Omar Bradley. He went on to be Chief of Staff of the Army.

    I would say he was one of the four or five best known generals of the period between, say, 1880 and 1920. He was a soldiers' soldier. He was, of course, nearly nominated for President in 1920. He was also, of course, Governor General of the Philippines.

    Mr. BUYER. I had interrupted you, Mr. Roosevelt.

    Mr. ROOSEVELT. I was going to say, you asked earlier about discrimination between volunteers and regular Army and so on; I think although General Wood eventually rose above that, the fact is he came in as a medical officer and was one that the military was well aware of and something he had difficulty overcoming, the sort of main regular officers that a medical man would be made a—you know, eventually rise to the heights he did was anathema.
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    That was, I believe, at the time of the Rough Riders, many military—regular military officers had this view of Colonel, later General, Wood.

    Dr. GABLE. He had been President McKinley's doctor.

    Mr. BUYER. Mr. Pickett, Mr. McHale, further questions?

    Mr. MCHALE. No. Just to thank you, gentlemen, very much.

    Mr. BUYER. My last comment that I have here is, I am bewildered at the moment of how a board in the Department of Army could somehow reach a conclusion that the valor exercised by Colonel Theodore Roosevelt on July 1, 1898, did not rise to the level of that above any of his contemporaries.

    I want you to know that I am confused by that, and I give great weight here and credibility of the recommendation—I didn't know there were two individuals who were recipients of the Medal of Honor themselves. That is very, very bothersome to me.

    Even if, in fact, they were—you could get into this debate on, well, we shouldn't look at the Medal of Honor and say, these are the standards of today and what were the standards of that day; and recognizing that, yes, there must have been a tendency towards according the Medal of Honor to men who placed them receiving at great risk and peril, not to participate in the action of the moment, but to save a comrade who is down and taken them to safety.
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    But if you have two individuals who were recipients in the past of this Medal, understanding that what they saw on that day rose to the level of worthiness of our Nation's highest decoration, has my full attention.

    You know, we reserve that Medal of Honor for individuals who go against human instinct. The human instinct is to seek security; it is not to place yourself in peril.

    I want you to know when I review your testimony, and I promise you, like I—I have not read your book, sir; I will read your book, but it is of an individual of whom as even in the Marines when—and I was just at Arlington this weekend, average, ordinary citizens who for some FOR whatever reason at the moment of call exercised through undaunted courage and intrepid character, do the uncommon. And it rises to a level of conspicuousness and brings others to erupt, not be hidden by their fears, and things happen. It is unbelievable.

    You turn the tide. You gain the momentum. You are right; they have done something so extraordinary that rises above everything else.

    I appreciate you gentlemen coming here and testifying and we will give this the gravity it requires.

    Thank you, gentlemen.

    This hearing is now concluded.

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    [Whereupon, at 4:05 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]

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