SPEAKERS       CONTENTS       INSERTS    
 Page 1       TOP OF DOC
48–957 CC
1998
H. RES. 273, EXPRESSING THE SENSE OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES CONCERNING THE GOVERNMENT OF ANGOLA'S MILITARY INTERVENTION INTO THE REPUBLIC OF CONGO

MARKUP

BEFORE THE

SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED FIFTH CONGRESS

FIRST SESSION

OCTOBER 23, 1997

Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations

 Page 2       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC
COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York, Chairman
WILLIAM GOODLING, Pennsylvania
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa
HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois
DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska
CHRISTOPHER SMITH, New Jersey
DAN BURTON, Indiana
ELTON GALLEGLY, California
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida
CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina
DANA ROHRABACHER, California
DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California
PETER T. KING, New York
JAY KIM, California
STEVEN J. CHABOT, Ohio
MARSHALL ''MARK'' SANFORD, South Carolina
MATT SALMON, Arizona
AMO HOUGHTON, New York
TOM CAMPBELL, California
JON FOX, Pennsylvania
JOHN McHUGH, New York
LINDSEY GRAHAM, South Carolina
ROY BLUNT, Missouri
 Page 3       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC
KEVIN BRADY, Texas
LEE HAMILTON, Indiana
SAM GEJDENSON, Connecticut
TOM LANTOS, California
HOWARD BERMAN, California
GARY ACKERMAN, New York
ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American Samoa
MATTHEW G. MARTINEZ, California
DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
ROBERT ANDREWS, New Jersey
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
CYNTHIA A. McKINNEY, Georgia
ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
PAT DANNER, Missouri
EARL HILLIARD, Alabama
WALTER CAPPS, California
BRAD SHERMAN, California
ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
STEVE ROTHMAN, New Jersey
BOB CLEMENT, Tennessee
BILL LUTHER, Minnesota
JIM DAVIS, Florida
RICHARD J. GARON, Chief of Staff
MICHAEL H. VAN DUSEN, Democratic Chief of Staff
 Page 4       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC

Subcommittee on Africa
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman
AMO HOUGHTON, New York
STEVEN J. CHABOT, Ohio
MARSHALL ''MARK'' SANFORD, South Carolina
TOM CAMPBELL, California
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
JIM DAVIS, Florida
TOM SHEEHY, Staff Director
GREG SIMPKINS, Professional Staff Member
JODI CHRISTIANSEN, Democratic Professional Staff Member
SHANNON GAWRONSKI, Staff Associate
C O N T E N T S

    Text of H. Res. 273
    Statement of Hon. Robert Menendez, a Representative in Congress from New Jersey
MARKUP OF H. RES. 273, EXPRESSING THE SENSE OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES CONCERNING THE GOVERNMENT OF ANGOLA'S MILITARY INTERVENTION INTO THE REPUBLIC OF CONGO

THURSDAY, OCTOBER 23, 1997
House of Representatives,
 Page 5       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC
Subcommittee on Africa,
Committee on International Relations,
Washington, DC.

    The Subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:35 p.m. in room 2200, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Ed Royce (chairman of the Subcommittee) presiding.
    Mr. ROYCE. This markup will come to order. The Subcommittee on Africa meets today in open session pursuant to notice to mark up House Resolution 273, relating to the invasion of Congo-Brazzaville by the armed forces of Angola.
    This resolution was introduced by Mr. Menendez and was referred by Chairman Gilman to the Subcommittee. This resolution concerns the troubling situation that has been made worse by Angola's armed intervention in the civil war in Congo-Brazzaville. This subcommittee took note of the perilous situation in July, when we approved House Resolution 175, calling for a peaceful resolution of the fighting in Congo-Brazzaville.
    The introduction of Angolan troops, armor, and aircraft tipped the balance of that civil war in favor of former President Denis Sassou-Nguesso, who is to be inaugurated this weekend despite having received no popular mandate for his return as President. This intervention has resulted in the overthrow of the government of President Pascal Lissouba, who was elected to that country's first multiparty election in 1992.
    The fact is that Congo-Brazzaville is no more stable and peaceful today because of the Angolan intervention, and indeed it may be facing more turmoil in the coming weeks. Certainly, the Angolan soldiers who pounded Pointe Noire with heavy artillery for days and now are looting that city have made life more difficult for residents of that city.
    Further, the Angolan intervention in Congo-Brazzaville following the Angolan intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo has led many observers to wonder if we are now in a new era on the continent in which borders and democratic elections are meaningless. The rationale by the Angolan Government that Angolan rebel forces operating in Congo-Brazzaville posed a threat to their country's sovereignty does not justify their violation of international conventions.
 Page 6       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC
    I support Mr. Menendez's resolution as a timely and necessary response to this situation. The Chair lays the resolution before the Subcommittee. The clerk will report the title of the resolution.
    The CLERK. ''H. Res. 273, resolution condemning the military intervention by the Government of the Republic of Angola into the Republic of Congo, and for other purposes.''
    Mr. ROYCE. Without objection, the clerk will read both the preamble and operative language of the resolution for amendment.
    The CLERK. ''Whereas President Pascal Lissouba''——
    Mr. ROYCE. Without objection, the resolution will be considered as having been read and is being open to amendment at any point.
    Is there objection?
    Without objection, it is so ordered.
    [H. Res. 273 appears in the appendix.]
    Mr. ROYCE. The gentleman from New Jersey is recognized to speak on his resolution for 5 minutes.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I want to particularly thank you for the great dispatch in which you were willing to consider the resolution, the timeliness of the hearing, and, as always, your courtesy as the chairman of the Committee. And I also want to thank you for cosponsoring the resolution.
    Mr. Sassou-Nguesso arrived in Brazzaville today to take power and announce a new government, a government elected by no one and which owes its surge to power to the assistance of the Angolan military forces. The Government of Angola's provocative actions, in my view, are clearly unacceptable.
    Unlike the situation in the former Zaire, where now President Kabila unseated longtime dictator Mobutu, Angola has helped to unseat a democratically-elected President in the Republic of Congo. President Pascal Lissouba defeated Sassou-Nguesso in an election that was determined to be free and fair in 1992, and the lackadaisical response of the international community, including the U.S. Government, to Angola's actions are, in my view, unacceptable.
 Page 7       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC
    In May, when the military coup occurred in Sierra Leone, the international response was quick, strong, and unambiguous. It was also unanimous. The response to Mr. Nguesso's takeover in the Congo should elicit no less a response. The U.S. response has been woefully inadequate. The United States should be calling for the restoration of the democratically-elected government of Pascal Lissouba. Instead it is pursuing a policy of working with former dictator Nguesso as if he had a legitimate mandate from the Congolese people.
    While the United States does have important interests in Angola, as the Chairman and I witnessed when we were there, that should not preclude our responsibility to uphold democracy wherever it is threatened. Make no mistake that democracy is threatened in the Republic of Congo. The precedent being set and the message being heard in Africa is that it is OK to depose a democratic government if you have allies in the West. I don't think that is a message we want to send anywhere in the world. Nor do I think that it is consistent with U.S. policy toward Africa, which seeks to strengthen democracy and the rule of law.
    I am also disappointed in the Security Council's resolution, which merely made reference to the intervention of foreign forces without specifically mentioning the Government of Angola. But perhaps what is most dismaying is that I understand that was done with the acquiescence of the United States; that is, that the United States agreed, at the Angolan Government's behest, not to mention the Government of Angola by name in the Security Council resolution.
    We need to send a strong message to Angola. The best way to do that is for the United States to withhold further International, Military, and Education Training assistance until Angola has fully withdrawn all troops and military assistance from the Republic of Congo. The Congress should also give serious consideration as to whether or not it is appropriate to be extending military assistance and forging military-to-military contacts with a country which has engaged in cross-border military incursions. Moreover, I seriously question if it is a responsible policy to be providing Angola with such assistance in advance of the full integration of the Angolan military and the full implementation of the Lusaka Protocol.
 Page 8       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC
    When the Security Council meets later this month to consider sanctions against UNITA, I hope they will take into consideration the egregious violations of the Lusaka Protocol, the U.N. Charter, and the OAU Charter committed last week by the Angolan Government.
    Moreover, the recent announcement that President Dos Santos does not intend to meet with Dr. Savimbi later this month, as earlier agreed, to discuss the extension of state administration to Andulo and Bailundo suggests that he is trying to construct barriers to progress so that the Security Council will be forced to impose sanctions on UNITA. It would be perverse to sanction UNITA for obstacles constructed by the Angolan Government, particularly in light of the government's own violations of the Lusaka Protocol by virtue of their action in the Congo.
    I am deeply disturbed by the Government of Angola's actions, particularly at a critical time in its own reconciliation process.
    Last, I hope this committee will not be again confronted with a situation where the U.S. response to the takeover of a democratic government is so weak that it could be interpreted as being supportive of the incident itself.
    I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity. And I urge my colleagues to join us in support of the resolution.
    Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Menendez.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Menendez appears in the appendix.]
    Mr. ROYCE. Are there any amendments to this resolution or Members seeking recognition?
    The gentleman from California.
    Mr. CAMPBELL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I just wanted to put a couple reservations on the record, and if this induces a comment from my colleagues, I would be the beneficiary of such a comment, and I would invite it.
 Page 9       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC
    I am a touch concerned, not overwhelmingly, but a touch concerned, on two points. First of all, it is my understanding that Mr. Lissouba's Government had run out in August. It is a civil war situation. And I am certainly not choosing to disagree with the principle that democratically-elected governments should not be overthrown. But if I am right that the regime had come to the end of its mandate in the context of a civil war, my problem and just concern maybe I should express, and I want to put on the record again to invite comment, is that when Angola assisted Kabila to overthrow Mobutu, we did not object. Indeed, I suspect we considered it positive.
    I am not comparing a democratically-elected President, as Mr. Lissouba was, with the dictator of Zaire, Mr. Mobutu, but still I am hesitant under certain circumstances to be as sure as this resolution is sure. That is about the extent of it. I am not saying it is a wrong thing to do at the present time, I am just saying that it may be wiser to be a little hesitant.
    I would be pleased to yield to any colleague that would like to instruct me on it, the point being the uncertainty. In one case we did not object to Angola's involvement with a neighbor. We might even have supported it. And here we are condemning within the space of, gee, almost 2 or 3 months very, very much back to back. And if that doesn't stimulate any further discussion, that is fine, too. I just put my reservations on the record, and having done so, I yield to my colleague from New Jersey.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. Sure. And I appreciate your concerns. I would just make two reference points, one which I think you yourself will recognize, and that is that, in the case at hand, we are talking about a democratically-elected government versus a dictatorship. And I am not suggesting that the participation by the Angolans, even in the context of the dictatorship, is appropriate. I am simply saying that is clearly inappropriate in the context of a democratically-elected government.
 Page 10       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC
    And, second, yes, the mandate had just about run out, but it ran out at a time in which the fighting had begun. So, therefore, there was not an opportunity to pursue elections, which is all we ultimately seek to do, to have a democratically-elected government at the time be recognized, let them pursue their elections, and let the mandate go forward to whomever wins. But you can't win at the point of a gun.
    Mr. ROYCE. I would just like to observe that it was not the Lissouba Government that was trying not to go forward with elections. In point of fact, they were pushing elections. The difficulty was that the battling between the government forces and Sassou-Nguesso prevented elections that had been scheduled.
    So, this is not a situation where a democratically-elected government decided that they were not going to be a party to free and fair elections. It was, rather, a situation where the ensuing civil strife and civil war created a threat, or created a circumstance in which a government which was seeking to have the elections was, in fact, prevented from doing so, and now finds itself with someone being installed without any elections whatsoever.
    I would say this situation is the antithesis of what was happening under Mobutu in Zaire. Perhaps that is why our perspective is that this is 180 degrees different from the situation with the Angolan incursion into Zaire. I will add that, to my knowledge, no one in the U.S. Government sought to encourage Angola to put its troops into Zaire.
    Just for the record, I wanted to clarify that point. And perhaps it is a difference in perspective, but that is my perspective.
    Mr. CAMPBELL. If I could reclaim my time just for a moment. Thank you. I sincerely invited commentary, and I think I got very thoughtful commentary.
    First, the resolution deals with Angola's involvement. Angola's involvement, I think, happened after the end of the mandate. If Angola had been involved in such a way to prevent the elections, I would be entirely agreeable with you. I am not sure they were. I am not saying I know they were not. I am just saying I am not sure they were.
 Page 11       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC
    What might have occurred is that the civil war broke out, elections were not possible, and in the context of that civil war, Angola took one side. If I am right about that, then it is not Angola's fault that there were no elections, as it would be if they had involved themselves earlier.
    Second and last, and then I am done. I just thought it would be wise to put some reservations on the record. To the extent this resolution points out that we disapprove because Angola's actions violate the Lusaka Protocol, the U.N. Charter, and the OAU Charter, on all three, so did their involvement in Zaire, now Democratic Republic of Congo, also violated the Lusaka Protocol, also violated the U.N. Charter, also violated the OAU.
    So if we took all of those out and just focused on the fact, as my colleagues have announced, that the democratically-elected government came in at a time it wasn't helpful, then it would give me a much clearer distinction from what happened in Zaire.
    And with that, I am finished. I appreciate your indulgence.
    Mr. ROYCE. Any other Members seeking recognition?
    Mr. CHABOT. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
    Mr. ROYCE. We recognize the gentleman from Ohio.
    Mr. CHABOT. Thank you. I won't take the full 5 minutes, but I want to express my support for this timely resolution and commend the gentleman from New Jersey for offering it at this time. If it is agreeable to the gentleman, I would ask unanimous consent that I be included as a cosponsor.
    Mr. MENENDEZ. Absolutely. Thank you.
    Mr. CHABOT. If the United States is to play a positive, constructive role in the post-colonial Africa, our government must take a strong and public stand in cases where democratically-elected governments are brought down with the assistance of foreign powers. In this instance, the Government of Angola, by intervening militarily in the Republic of Congo, in violation of the Lusaka Protocol, the U.N. Charter, and the Organization of American Unity Charter, has done just that.
 Page 12       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC
    As my colleagues know, elections held in the Congo in 1992 were determined to be, essentially, free and fair. The losers in those elections did strenuously object. Since that time, thousands of Congo citizens have lost their lives in battles between private militias and government forces. This month, the Government of Angola chose to back those opposition forces with ground troops and air power. In short order, the democratically-elected government was overthrown.
    Mr. Chairman, it is critical that the United States continue to play a role as a beacon of hope for those around the world who yearn for freedom and democracy. By adopting this timely resolution, we are sending a message not only to the Angolan Government, but to other governments who have served as an obstacle to stability in the Congo, and we are letting it be known to the world at large that the United States will always stand on the side of freedom.
    Mr. Chairman, I urge the adoption of the resolution, and I yield back the balance of my time.
    Mr. ROYCE. Thank you.
    If there are no further amendments or Members who wish to speak, the question is on the resolution. So many as are in favor of the resolution say aye.
    So many as are opposed say no.
    The ayes do have it.
    The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Chabot, for a motion.
    Mr. CHABOT. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Subcommittee report the pending resolution to the Full Committee and recommend that the resolution be favorably considered in the Full Committee.
    Mr. ROYCE. The question is on the motion of the gentleman from Ohio. So many as are in favor say aye.
 Page 13       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC
    So many as are opposed say no.
    The ayes do have it.
    This markup stands adjourned. Thank you, Members, for your participation.
    [Whereupon, at 2:55 p.m., the Subcommittee was adjourned.]

A P P E N D I X

    Insert "The Official Committee record contains additional material here."