SPEAKERS       CONTENTS       INSERTS    
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50–232 CC
1998
H. CON. RES. 235 AND H. RES. 373

MARKUP

BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED FIFTH CONGRESS

SECOND SESSION

MARCH 12, 1998

Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations

COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York, Chairman
WILLIAM GOODLING, Pennsylvania
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa
HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois
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DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska
CHRISTOPHER SMITH, New Jersey
DAN BURTON, Indiana
ELTON GALLEGLY, California
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida
CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina
DANA ROHRABACHER, California
DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California
PETER T. KING, New York
JAY KIM, California
STEVEN J. CHABOT, Ohio
MARSHALL ''MARK'' SANFORD, South Carolina
MATT SALMON, Arizona
AMO HOUGHTON, New York
TOM CAMPBELL, California
JON FOX, Pennsylvania
JOHN McHUGH, New York
LINDSEY GRAHAM, South Carolina
ROY BLUNT, Missouri
KEVIN BRADY, Texas
LEE HAMILTON, Indiana
SAM GEJDENSON, Connecticut
TOM LANTOS, California
HOWARD BERMAN, California
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GARY ACKERMAN, New York
ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American Samoa
MATTHEW G. MARTINEZ, California
DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
ROBERT ANDREWS, New Jersey
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
CYNTHIA A. McKINNEY, Georgia
ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
PAT DANNER, Missouri
EARL HILLIARD, Alabama
BRAD SHERMAN, California
ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
STEVE ROTHMAN, New Jersey
BOB CLEMENT, Tennessee
BILL LUTHER, Minnesota
JIM DAVIS, Florida
RICHARD J. GARON, Chief of Staff
MICHAEL H. VAN DUSEN, Democratic Chief of Staff
HILLEL WEINBERG, Senior Professional Staff and Counsel
JOHN HERZBERG, Professional Staff Member
LESTER MUNSON, Professional Staff Member
KIMBERLY ROBERTS, Staff Associate
C O N T E N T S

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    Markup of H. Con. Res. 235, calling for an end to the violent repression of the legitimate rights of the people of Kosovo
    Markup of H. Res. 373, commending democracy in Botswana
APPENDIX
    H. Con. Res. 235
    Amendment in the nature of a substitute to H. Con. Res. 235 offered by Mr. Gilman
    Amendment to H. Con. Res. 235 offered by Mr. Smith
    Amendments in the nature of a substitute to H. Con. Res. 235 offered by Mr. Smith
    H. Res. 373
MARKUP OF H. CON. RES. 235, CALLING FOR AN END TO THE VIOLENT REPRESSION OF THE LEGITIMATE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE OF KOSOVO, AND H. RES. 373, COMMENDING DEMOCRACY IN BOTSWANA

THURSDAY, MARCH 12, 1998
House of Representatives,
Committee on International Relations,
Washington, DC.
    The Committee met, pursuant to notice, at 12:07 p.m., in room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Benjamin A. Gilman (chairman of the Committee) presiding.
    Chairman GILMAN. [presiding] We'll now consider H. Con. Res. 235, relating to the situation in Kosovo. The Chair lays the resolution before the Committee. The clerk will report the title of the resolution.
    Ms. BLOOMER. ''H. Con. Res. 235, calling for an end to the violent repression of the legitimate rights of the people of Kosovo.''
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    Chairman GILMAN. This resolution is in the original jurisdiction of our Full Committee. Without objection, the clerk will read the preamble and operative language of the resolution for amendment. The clerk will read the resolution for amendment.
    Ms. BLOOMER. ''Whereas the Albanian people of Kosovo constitute more than 90 percent of the total population of Kosovo; Whereas the political rights of the Albanian people of Kosovo were curtailed when the Government of Yugoslavia illegally amended the constitution of Yugoslavia without the consent of the people of Kosovo on March 23, 1989''——
    Chairman GILMAN. I ask unanimous consent to waive the reading of the resolution, and deem that it be considered as having been read in full.
    [H. Con. Res. 235 appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. I have an amendment in the nature of a substitute at the desk which has already been distributed. The clerk will report the amendment in the nature of a substitute.
    Ms. BLOOMER. ''Amendment offered by Mr. Gilman. Strike the preamble and insert the following: Whereas the Albanian people''——
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the reading of the amendment in the nature of a substitute is dispensed with.
    [The amendment offered by Mr. Gilman appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. Last week the world witnessed the horrifying spectacle of violence once again sweeping a part of the Balkans, the long suffering people of the province of Kosovo in Serbia, more than 90 percent of whom are Albanian were subjected to brutal assaults by the Serbian paramilitary police forces. Whole villages were attacked, their inhabitants forced to flee into the hills, entire families were massacred as the Serbian forces indiscriminately fired into their households.
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    When the Kosovars gathered to peacefully protest these atrocities, the Serbian police met them with more brutality, first firing on the marchers with tear gas and water cannons, and then beating anyone who came within reach. We should recall that the conflict in former Yugoslavia began in 1989 in Kosovo, when the dictator Slobodan Milosevic arbitrarily and illegally terminated the autonomous status enjoyed by Kosovo under the constitution of the former Yugoslavia.
    The international community and our government in particular, has repeatedly warned Milosevic that he would be subject to severe consequences should he be responsible for violence in Kosovo. Milosevic has apparently decided to ignore those warnings and utilizing the pretext of a group calling itself the Kosovo Liberation Army or USK.
    The MVP, as it is known in Yugoslavia, has ratcheted up its policy of repression and brutality aimed at making the lives of the majority of the Kosovars a living hell. It is with the deepest concern that last week I introduced the measure now before the Committee, H. Con. Res. 235, calling for an end to the violent repression of the legitimate rights of the Albanian people of Kosovo. I was pleased that Mr. Engel and Mr. Lantos joined with us in that endeavor. In doing so, I thought that it was important to have the Congress place its concern over the worsening situation in Kosovo on record, and to point to the constructive measures we think could lead to an improvement.
    In particular, this resolution calls for all parties to refrain from violence. I fully understand and sympathize with the growing frustration among our Albanian citizens of Kosovo who had peacefully resisted the repressive regime they have suffered under more than 10 years. I want to underscore my belief that violence can only beget further violence in Kosovo, and that a resolution can only come through a dialog between the leaders of the Kosovars and the regime in Belgrade. We hope that we could bring that about.
    It is in our interest to do whatever we can to see that the dialog begins immediately and without preconditions. There must also be some redress offered to the victims of last week's violence and their families. I think that the international community must be able to investigate any reports of violations of international law that would fall within the purview of the international tribunal of the former Yugoslavia.
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    This resolution calls for immediate access for international investigators, as well as for organizations that can provide medical assistance to those who have been wounded. I hope that this resolution will assist the efforts of Ambassador Gelbard and our diplomats to make it clear to Milosevic and the Serbian authorities that we review their actions with abhorrence and disgust, and that we insist on a speedy and peaceful resolution of the problems in Kosovo. We can not and will not tolerate another Bosnia in the Balkans. Accordingly, I urge my colleagues to send a message to Belgrade and support H. Con. Res. 235.
    Mr. Hamilton.
    Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Chairman, thank you. I want to commend you and Congressman Engel and other Members who cosponsored this timely and very well-intentioned resolution. I intend to support it, and I yield my time to Congressman Lantos.
    Mr. LANTOS. Thank you very much, Mr. Hamilton.
    Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Lantos.
    Mr. LANTOS. First of all, I want to associate myself fully with your comments. They were extremely appropriate. I would like to say a word about the relationship between the tragedy in Bosnia and the possible impending tragedy in Kosovo.
    Because the West failed to act, over 200,000 innocent people in Bosnia are now dead. A million and a quarter are refugees. The cost to the United States alone thus far has been $8 billion. The cost in destruction vastly above that. Now if the West will not act now, I predict with certainty that there will be a similar set of horrifying statistics looking us in the face 6 months or a year or a year and a half from now.
    The people of Kosovo have suffered long and hard. I visited Kosovo on numerous occasions. I was profoundly impressed by the Kosovar people in their determination to peacefully carve out for themselves a modicum of a decent life. They have been suppressed, persecuted, discriminated against, and in the final analysis, in recent days killed by a police state.
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    I think we have a moral obligation to identify ourselves with the fight of the Kosovo people. I think it's critical that the United States provide the leadership without which Europe again will do nothing as it failed to do in Bosnia. We have to lead the way and if we do, our European friends and allies will follow. If we want to somehow finesse this or get it done on the cheap or worry about exit strategy, we will repeat the Bosnian tragedy.
    I was highly critical, Mr. Chairman, of the previous Administration for not preventing the Bosnia tragedy. I was highly critical of the Clinton Administration in promising year after year that our military presence there will last only a year. Only embarrassingly to have to retract that statement and extend our presence. I think it's extremely important for us to realize that in Kosovo we have the potential makings of a major Balkan war unless the West takes strong and decisive action without any time limits.
    The notion of time limits in an area of smoldering ethnic tensions and recent massacres is an absurdity. The exit strategy is to stay the course. That's the proper exit strategy. People who are worried about cutting our presence there to 6 months, 12 months, 2 years, have no idea what they are talking about. This conflict has been going on for centuries. The notion that in 6 or 12 months we will resolve it and can get out of there I think is nothing short of absurd.
    So I want to commend you for your resolution, which I fully support. I want to commend Secretary Albright for taking decisive action. I call on our government and all the governments of NATO, both present members and members who would like to join NATO, to accept their responsibility to preserve peace in the region.
    Finally, Mr. Chairman, I want to commend my friend, Mr. Bereuter, for his comments concerning the small force in Macedonia. I give him great credit for initially advocating that force. I fully support his call for enlarging that to force if necessary.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Lantos.
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    Mr. Bereuter.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to associate myself with your remarks. As I told you, I am highly supportive of your resolution, would like to be added as a cosponsor. I thank my colleague from California for his remarks. I certainly agree with him regarding the need for more autonomy for the people of Kosovo.
    I yield the balance of my time to Mr. Smith.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you. Mr. Smith.
    Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much. I thank my friend for yielding.
    Mr. Chairman, I do have an amendment at the desk.
    Chairman GILMAN. Will the clerk distribute the amendment.
    Mr. SMITH. I would ask that they be offered en bloc. There are four of them.
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection.
    Mr. SMITH. Mr. Chairman, this amendment or amendments, I should say——
    Chairman GILMAN. If the gentleman will withhold, the clerk will report the amendment.
    Ms. BLOOMER. Amendment offered by Congressman Smith. ''At the appropriate point, add the following: Whereas the mission of long duration''——
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the amendment will be considered as read.
    [Mr. Smith's amendments appear in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Smith is recognized on his amendment.
    Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. First of all, I think these amendments only strengthen a very good and fine resolution which is bipartisan, and hopefully will send a clear and non-ambiguous message that the Congress is fully behind every effort, diplomatic and otherwise too, to secure the peace and the stability of Kosovo and condemning as we are in these resolutions the violence that is occurring there.
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    The amendments are very simple and right to the point. The first amendment deals with an attempt to try to get the cooperation of the authorities of Serbia and Montenegro to allow the OSCE mission back in, hopefully with a very full mandate, a mission of long duration, so that there will be eyes and ears and hopefully a mitigating influence on the ground in Kosovo and surrounding areas.
    The second amendment asks that or frankly condemns the repression carried out by the Serbian police and paramilitary forces against the ethnic Albanian population. The third amendment asks that the U.N. Security Council consider the question of restoration of human rights and political rights for the people of Kosovo, and to halt Belgrade's violent repression of the region's population.
    Finally, as we were discussing earlier with Ambassador Gelbard, that the staff of the USIA in Kosovo be enhanced or augmented so that a good job can be made even better in that part of the world; I think these are non-controversial. We have checked with our friends on the other side of the aisle and they seem very supportive. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Smith. Any other Member? Mr. Lantos.
    Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, as the Ranking Democrat on the Human Rights Subcommittee, I strongly support Mr. Smith, his observations and amendments. I ask all my colleagues to support them.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Lantos. Any other Member seeking recognition on the amendment? If not, the question is on the Smith amendment. All in favor signify in the usual manner.
    Opposed?
    The amendment is agreed to.
    [Applause.]
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    Chairman GILMAN. I am going to ask the audience if you would withhold, since we're trying to move rapidly.
    Mr. Engel, on the measure?
    Mr. ENGEL. Yes. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I want to compliment you for your good work, Mr. Smith, Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Lantos, and everybody who has worked so hard. I was very pleased to play a major role in writing this resolution. I can think of nothing more important that we can do right now than to show the world that this Committee and this Congress supports the Albanian people of Kosova in their long-time struggle for freedom and democracy. I think we're all disgusted at what has happened during the past several weeks. I think the point has been made rightfully several times here this afternoon. If the West had moved more quickly in Bosnia early on, we would have prevented the tragedy that happened. The same thing is absolutely true now in Kosova. I have been saying this for years, as have others. Now it's really time to put up or shut up. Strong words are good, but strong words have to be backed by strong actions if Milosevic and his people don't listen to those strong words.
    This resolution goes a long way in showing that the Congress is very supportive of the people of Kosova. I was glad that Mr. Rohrabacher had asked a rhetorical question about self determination, because I think that is the underlying problem here. I have said time and time again that the people of Kosova have the same rights to self determination as do people all over the world. They should not be forced to live under oppression if they choose not to do so. I can not understand quite frankly the State Department's insistence on a goal of autonomy. I think autonomy didn't work back in 1989. It certainly won't work now. Back in 1989 under the former Yugoslavia, you had counter-balances with the Serbs. You had the Croats and the Slovenians, and the Bosnians and the Macedonians. Today in Yugoslavia and in Serbia, you essentially just have the Serbs. If the Albanians were repressed in the previous situation, they certainly will be more than oppressed now. Why would they want to go back to something which failed? As our resolution points out, the Government of Yugoslavia illegally amended the constitution of Yugoslavia without the consent of the people of Kosova on March 23, 1989. I believe ultimately we ought to look to the international community and look at the rights of the Albanian people in Kosova to self-determination, including the right to be an independent nation if they so choose.
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    But I think right now when we're talking about reimposing sanctions, as this does, that were terminated if the Serbian authorities continue to use unlawful violence, that is backing up our words. We're saying that no international or U.S. sanctions in force against the Government of Serbia should be terminated at this time as this resolution does. That backs up our words.
    When we talk about the State Department's Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1997 in Serbia, and I want to just read it. It notes violations of civil liberties in Kosova, particularly in the following categories, political and other extrajudicial killing, torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment, arbitrary arrest, detention or exile, denial of fair public trial, and arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home or correspondence. My God, Mr. Chairman, what more can we say? What more can we say about ethnic cleansing and genocide and all kinds of things that we have seen the Serbian oppressors do in the past several weeks?
    So I am very proud to support this. I think that we ought to pass this and go on record as very strongly supporting the Albanian people of Kosova. Thank you.
    Chairman GILMAN. Are there any other Members seeking recognition?
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Rohrabacher, very briefly.
    Mr. ROHRABACHER. Just a few brief thoughts. We have heard how the United States has stood on the side, and if we had acted forcefully we could have prevented this and that. Mr. Lantos, I take it that you don't want U.S. troops in this region for a century. Frankly, your remark saying that we don't know what we are talking about when we are concerned about trying to set some sort of time limit is just not applicable. Those of us who are trying to make decisions for the people of the United States have an obligation to see that it's not just a never-ending obligation, especially when in your own words, these types of problems have gone on for over 100 years.
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    I remember when this problem first started, at least the current round of violence started in the Balkans. It happened when Jim Baker, our Secretary of State under George Bush, went to Belgrade and gave a speech that indicated to the Serbians that we wanted stability and that they were going to be some kind of force for stability. Within a very short period of time when Jim Baker left Belgrade, the tanks were rolling across the borders and the genocide began, and the Croatians and the Bosnians became victimized by the tens of thousands.
    I stand behind this resolution today and thank Mr. Elliott for his thoughts and his moral stand here, we needed to take that stand originally with the Serbs and say we believe in freedom, we believe in democracy, and I think that there wouldn't have been this in the beginning, it wouldn't have required American troops.
    It comes down to this. We are going to have to go on record in the U.S. Congress, and I alluded to this a while ago, whether or not we are for stability, which is almost always a short-term stability, versus some of the fundamental principles that our Founding Fathers talked about. One of the most important is self-determination. Of course I would add human rights and democracy to that.
    But what happened with us was not that we stood aside and didn't introduce troops 5 years ago. We took a neutral stand on moral issues that encouraged villainous regimes to commit genocide. We should not be on the side of stability. We should be on the side of freedom. We should never have had an arms embargo against all sides which gave us a pretext of looking like we were neutral. We should not have had that arms embargo. We should have permitted those who were victims to have the arms they needed to defend themselves. We wouldn't have to be talking about an open-ended U.S. troops.
    The people in the Balkans don't want U.S. troops there. They wanted to defend themselves. They want the rights and freedoms that people want for themselves everywhere.
    Mr. LANTOS. Would the gentleman yield?
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    Mr. ROHRABACHER. I will yield. But let me finish, just 1 second. I'll just say I thank Mr. Elliott. He's been a champion and a hero in this. The people of Kosovo, we need to pay attention to that, and pay attention to their fundamental rights or there will be more bloodshed. Thank you, Mr. Elliott, for your moral leadership and guidance.
    Yes, I would be glad to yield.
    Mr. LANTOS. I want to thank my friend for yielding. I agree with a great deal of what he said. But I don't agree with everything. I certainly do not think that stability and freedom should be juxtaposed at all times. In the case of the breakup of Yugoslavia, I think you properly place the blame on Mr. Baker and Mr. Bush because they were in charge at the time. I fully agree with your observation.
    But with respect to your time limit comment, may I just say NATO has been there for a half a century. Had NATO not been there, the continent of Europe would be part of the Soviet Union. It was a very cheap price to have NATO there for a half a century. I strongly hope that our colleagues on the other side of the Hill will approve the accession of the Czech Republic, Poland, and Hungary to NATO because this will only expand the arena of stability. There is nothing wrong with stability. It's a prerequisite for freedom. Without stability, you will not have self-determination and freedom.
    My suggestion is to all of us, that I think we must have learned this pathological pre-occupation with the exit strategy leads us nowhere. Exit strategy is a sound policy. Exit strategy is not setting artificial deadlines. I would much rather see a tiny portion of our military stay in the region as a stabilizing force for a number of years rather than have the massacre and the bloodshed and the $8-billion price tag which the American people are saddled with today because of the failure of the previous Administration to act and the insistence of this Administration early on, on 1-year deadlines.
    Those 1-year deadlines did not make any sense. We had the Secretary of State and the Secretary of Defense and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in this room testifying on the 1-year deadline. I challenged them at that time, that that year will go way beyond the year. They argued. The next year they came back and we had the same argument.
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    I applaud the Administration now for abandoning the deadline notion. I hope we will abandon the deadline notion with respect to Kosovo as well.
    Chairman GILMAN. The gentleman's time has expired. Thank you, Mr. Lantos.
    The question is now on agreeing to the substitute amendment as amended. As many as are in favor of the amendment signify by stating aye.
    Any opposed, signify by stating no.
    The amendment is agreed to. The gentleman from Nebraska, Mr. Bereuter is recognized to offer a motion.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, resisting the impulse to engage in debate, only because of what's happening over the hall, I move that the chairman be requested to seek consideration of the pending resolution on the suspension calendar.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Bereuter. The question is on the motion of the gentleman from Nebraska. As many as are in favor of the motion signify by stating aye.
    As many as are opposed, say no.
    The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to. Further proceedings on this measure are postponed.
    We'll now move to consider H. Res. 373, commending democracy in Botswana. The Chair lays the resolution before the Committee. The clerk will report the title of the resolution.
    Ms. BLOOMER. ''House Resolution 373, commending democracy in Botswana.''
    Chairman GILMAN. This resolution was considered by the Subcommittee on Africa and reported from that Committee without amendment. Without objection, the clerk will read the preamble and operative language of the resolution for amendment.
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    Ms. BLOOMER. ''Whereas Sir Ketumile Masire has been involved in politics''——
    Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the resolution is considered as having been read, and is open for amendment at any point.
    [H. Res. 373 appears in the appendix.]
    Chairman GILMAN. I now recognize the gentleman from California, Mr. Royce, the distinguished chairman of the Africa Subcommittee, to introduce the resolution. Mr. Royce.
    Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, this resolution recognizes the Government of Botswana and the people of Botswana for their longstanding commitment to democracy. Since he took office in 1980, President Masire has presided over a government that has honored the democratic process. His government has been a model of democratically rooted stability and development and the world. Botswana also is a longstanding friend of the United States, and has played a constructive diplomatic role in Africa.
    Yet Botswana is a bit of a forgotten African country. This bill seeks to bring attention to Botswana by commending its people for their democratic commitment. After nearly 18 years in office, President Masire is stepping down——
    Chairman GILMAN. Will the gentleman suspend?
    Mr. ROYCE. I will.
    Chairman GILMAN. Those leaving the hearing room, please leave quietly so that we can continue consideration of this measure.
    Mr. Royce, please continue.
    Mr. ROYCE. Yes, Mr. Chairman. So this resolution commends him for his service to his country. All too often, we criticize African leaders for the things they do wrong. But we seldom commend them for a job well done. This resolution offers us the chance to send such a positive message. President Clinton is scheduled to visit Botswana as part of his historic five-nation Africa trip later this month. I am scheduled to accompany him on that trip. We have spoken with the Administration about this resolution. They strongly support this measure as a positive sign to our friends in Botswana and democrats throughout Africa.
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    So I urge adoption of this resolution, Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Royce.
    Mr. Hamilton.
    Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Chairman, I support the resolution. I commend Mr. Royce for introducing it. As he has indicated, Botswana is a success story. Congress goes on record here in recognition of that success. I hope that the resolution will encourage Botswana to continue its democratic tradition and its constructive foreign policies. I urge support of the resolution.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Hamilton. Any other Member seeking recognition? Mr. Campbell.
    Mr. CAMPBELL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I simply wish to add a note of congratulations to the chairman of the Subcommittee. He has been an outstanding chairman. He has been proactive, seeing situations where we can do some good before they get into trouble. This is an example of that and I am proud to serve on that Subcommittee with him.
    I also want to commend the President of the United States for his judgment to go to Africa. I wish every success in that effort. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Campbell. Any other Members seeking recognition? If not, I would like to thank Mr. Royce and cosponsors of the resolution, Mr. Menendez, the ranking Democrat on the Africa Subcommittee, Mr. Chabot, Mr. Payne. Botswana is very deserving of the praise contained in the resolution. Its great progress on democracy and free market economics since independence is a model for other nations in the region and elsewhere. I am pleased that President Clinton will be visiting Botswana later this month during his historic trip to Africa. Botswana's neighborhood in southern Africa today is an island of stability on a troubled continent, peace has taken hold in Mozambique, apartheid has been vanquished in South Africa, and the senseless killing in Angola appears to be over.
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    Even when this region was not so stable, and Botswana was surrounded by wars and oppressive regimes, Botswana managed to embrace the best of western values and provide its people with an increasingly better standard of living. This is no small accomplishment.
    Again, I thank the sponsors of the resolution for bringing it forward. I urge our Members of the Committee to support it.
    Are there any other Members seeking recognition or seeking to offer any amendments? If not, the question is on agreeing to the Subcommittee amendment as amended. As many as are in favor of the amendment, signify by stating aye.
    As many as are opposed, state no.
    The amendment is agreed to. The gentleman from Nebraska, Mr. Bereuter, is recognized to offer a motion.
    Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, I move the Chairman be requested to seek consideration of the pending resolution on the suspension calendar.
    Chairman GILMAN. The question is on the motion of the gentleman from Nebraska, Mr. Bereuter. As many as are in favor of the motion signify by stating aye.
    As many as are opposed, state no.
    The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to. Further proceedings on this measure are postponed. I thank our Members for standing by.
    There is a meeting across the hall with the Prime Minister of Thailand. The Members are invited to take part. The Committee is adjourned.
    [Whereupon, at 12:37 p.m., the Committee was adjourned, pursuant to the call of the Chair.]

A P P E N D I X

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    Insert "The Official Committee record contains additional material here."