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INTERNATIONAL DISABILITY AND VICTIMS OF WARFARE AND CIVIL STRIFE ASSISTANCE ACT OF 2003; VARIOUS SIMPLE AND CONCURRENT RESOLUTIONS; BURMESE FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY ACT OF 2003; AND MILLENNIUM CHALLENGE ACCOUNT AUTHORIZATION AND PEACE CORPS EXPANSION ACT OF 2003
MARKUP
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED EIGHTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
ON
H.R. 1462, H. Res. 58, H. Res. 177, H. Res. 194,
H. Res. 199, H. Res. 237, H. Res. 242,
H. Res. 264, H. Con. Res. 49, H. Con. Res. 80,
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H. Con. Res. 134, H. Con. Res. 154,
H. Con. Res. 169, H. Con. Res. 209, H.R. 2330
and H.R. 2441
JUNE 12, 2003
Serial No. 108–41
Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations
Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.house.gov/international—relations
COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois, Chairman
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa
DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey,
Vice Chairman
DAN BURTON, Indiana
ELTON GALLEGLY, California
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida
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CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina
DANA ROHRABACHER, California
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California
PETER T. KING, New York
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio
AMO HOUGHTON, New York
JOHN M. McHUGH, New York
THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado
RON PAUL, Texas
NICK SMITH, Michigan
JOSEPH R. PITTS, Pennsylvania
JEFF FLAKE, Arizona
JO ANN DAVIS, Virginia
MARK GREEN, Wisconsin
JERRY WELLER, Illinois
MIKE PENCE, Indiana
THADDEUS G. McCOTTER, Michigan
WILLIAM J. JANKLOW, South Dakota
KATHERINE HARRIS, Florida
TOM LANTOS, California
HOWARD L. BERMAN, California
GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York
ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American Samoa
DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
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ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
BRAD SHERMAN, California
ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York
WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts
GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
BARBARA LEE, California
JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York
JOSEPH M. HOEFFEL, Pennsylvania
EARL BLUMENAUER, Oregon
SHELLEY BERKLEY, Nevada
GRACE F. NAPOLITANO, California
ADAM B. SCHIFF, California
DIANE E. WATSON, California
ADAM SMITH, Washington
BETTY McCOLLUM, Minnesota
CHRIS BELL, Texas
THOMAS E. MOONEY, SR., Staff Director/General Counsel
ROBERT R. KING, Democratic Staff Director
JOCK SCHARFEN, Chief Counsel
DANIEL FREEMAN, Counsel/Parliamentarian
LIBERTY DUNN, Staff Associate
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C O N T E N T S
MARKUP OF
H.R. 1462, To authorize assistance for individuals with disabilities in foreign countries, including victims of warfare and civil strife, and for other purposes
H. Res. 58, Recognizing the accomplishments of Ignacy Jan Paderewski as a musician, composer, statesman, and philanthropist and recognizing the 11th Anniversary of the return of his remains to Poland
H. Res. 177, Commending the people of the Republic of Kenya for conducting free and fair elections, for the peaceful and orderly transfer of power in their government, and for the continued success of democracy in their nation since that transition, as reported by the Subcommittee on Africa
H. Res. 194, Regarding the importance of international efforts to abolish slavery and other human rights abuses in the Sudan, as reported by the Subcommittee on Africa
Amendment in the nature of a substitute to H. Res. 199, Calling on the Government of the People's Republic of China immediately and unconditionally to release Dr. Yang Jianli, calling on the President of the United States to continue working on behalf of Dr. Yang Jianli for his release, and for other purposes, as reported by the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, June 10, 2003
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H. Res. 237, Honoring the life and work of Walter Sisulu, a critical leader in the movement to free South Africa of apartheid, on the occasion of his death
H. Res. 242, Expressing the condolences of the House of Representatives to the families of the victims of the terrorist suicide bombing attacks that occurred on May 16, 2003, in Casablanca, Morocco
H. Res. 264, Expressing sympathy for the victims of the devastating earthquake that struck Algeria on May 21, 2003
H. Con. Res. 49, Expressing the sense of the Congress that the sharp escalation of anti-Semitic violence within many participating States of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) is of profound concern and efforts should be undertaken to prevent future occurrences
H. Con. Res. 80, Expressing the sense of Congress relating to efforts of the Peace Parks Foundation in the Republic of South Africa to facilitate the establishment and development of transfrontier conservation efforts in southern Africa
H. Con. Res. 134, Acknowledging the deepening relationship between the United States and the Republic of Djibouti and recognizing Djibouti's role in combating terrorism
H. Con. Res. 154, Concerning the transition to democracy in the Republic of Burundi
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H. Con. Res. 169, Expressing the sense of Congress that the United States Government should support the human rights and dignity of all persons with disabilities by pledging support for the drafting and working toward the adoption of a thematic convention on the human rights and dignity of persons with disabilities by the United Nations General Assembly to augment the existing United Nations human rights system, and for other purposes
H. Con. Res. 209, Commending the signing of the United States-Adriatic Charter, a charter of partnership among the United States, Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia
H.R. 2330, To sanction the ruling Burmese military junta, to strengthen Burma's democratic forces and support and recognize the National League of Democracy as the legitimate representative of the Burmese people, and for other purposes
Amendment to H.R. 2330, offered by the Honorable Tom Lantos, a Representative in Congress from the State of California
Amendment to H.R. 2330, offered by the Honorable Joseph R. Pitts, a Representative in Congress from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania
H.R. 2441, To establish the Millennium Challenge Account to provide increased support for developing countries that have fostered democracy and the rule of law, invested in their citizens, and promoted economic freedom; to assess the impact and effectiveness of United States economic assistance; to authorize the expansion of the Peace Corps; and for other purposes
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Amendment to H.R. 2441, offered by the Honorable Edward R. Royce, a Representative in Congress from the State of California
Amendment to H.R. 2441, offered by the Honorable Barbara Lee, a Representative in Congress from the State of California
Amendment to H.R. 2441, offered by the Honorable Edward R. Royce
Amendment to H.R. 2441, offered by the Honorable Donald M. Payne, a Representative in Congress from the State of New Jersey
Amendment to H.R. 2441, offered by the Honorable Robert Menendez, a Representative in Congress from the State of New Jersey
LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD
The Honorable Henry J. Hyde, a Representative in Congress from the State of Illinois, and Chairman, Committee on International Relations: Prepared statement on H.R. 2441
The Honorable Tom Lantos: Article dated June 12, 2003 from the Wall Street Journal, by Secretary Colin Powell, entitled ''It's Time to Turn the Tables On Burma's Thugs''
APPENDIX
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The Honorable James A. Leach, a Representative in Congress from the State of Iowa: Prepared statement on H. R. 2330
The Honorable Doug Bereuter, a Representative in Congress from the State of Nebraska: Prepared Statement on H. Con. Res. 209
The Honorable Ron Paul, a Representative in Congress from the State of Texas: Prepared Statement on H.R. 2441
The Honorable Joseph Pitts: Prepared Statement on H. Res. 264 and H.R. 2330
The Honorable Jeff Flake, a Representative in Congress from the State of Arizona: Letter dated June 19, 2003 from the Honorable Jeff Flake to the Honorable Henry J. Hyde
The Honorable Joseph Crowley, a Representative in Congress from the State of New York: Prepared Statement on H. Con. Res. 49
INTERNATIONAL DISABILITY AND VICTIMS OF WARFARE AND CIVIL STRIFE ASSISTANCE ACT OF 2003; VARIOUS SIMPLE AND CONCURRENT RESOLUTIONS; BURMESE FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY ACT OF 2003; AND MILLENNIUM CHALLENGE ACCOUNT AUTHORIZATION AND PEACE CORPS EXPANSION ACT OF 2003
THURSDAY, JUNE 12, 2003
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House of Representatives,
Committee on International Relations,
Washington, DC.
The Committee met, pursuant to call, at 10:35 a.m., in Room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Henry J. Hyde (Chairman of the Committee) presiding.
Chairman HYDE. The Committee will come to order. I ask unanimous consent that we may proceed with those present and who may immediately attend this hearing. We are short of a quorum for proceeding, but with unanimous consent we can. And so without objection, the Committee will come to order. And without objection, Mr. Menendez resigns from the Subcommittee on International Terrorism, Nonproliferation and Human Rights, and Ms. McCollum is assigned to that Subcommittee as the most junior Member.
Without objection, the Chairman is authorized to seek consideration of the following measures under suspension of the rules. Now, we have 14 resolutions which are noncontroversial and which have been reviewed by the Democratic minority, and they concur with the unanimous consent. So I will simply read the numbers of them:
H.R. 1462, H. Res. 58, H. Res. 177, as reported by the Subcommittee on Africa, H. Res. 194, as reported by the Subcommittee on Africa, H. Res. 199, as reported by the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, H. Res. 237, H. Res. 242, H. Res. 264, H Con. Res. 49, H. Con. Res. 80, H. Con. Res. 134, H. Con. Res. 154, H. Con. Res. 169, H. Con. Res. 209. Without objection, so ordered.
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Chairman HYDE. The next item on the agenda is H.R. 2330, Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003, which I call up for purposes of markup and move its favorable recommendation to the House. Without objection, the bill will be considered as read and open for amendment at any point.
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[H.R. 2330 follows:]
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Chairman HYDE. And the Chair yields to Mr. Lantos.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, thank you for scheduling today's markup of the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, which I introduced last week with your strong support and that of my good friend and colleague from New York, Peter King. I also want to express my appreciation to the other 20 Members of the our Committee who have co-sponsored this most important measure. I also wish to note, Mr. Chairman, that the measure was unanimously approved by the Asia and Pacific Subcommittee on Tuesday of this week, and I want to thank Chairman Leach and Ranking Democratic Member Faleomavaega for their strong support.
Mr. Chairman, rarely does Congress have the opportunity to respond immediately to fast-breaking international developments to effect a decisive and dramatic change in U.S. foreign policy. We have just such an opportunity now as we consider imposing sanctions on the ruthless military regime in Burma. The history of my bill is instructive. I first proposed sanctioning Yangon last year, but when the Burmese military regime released from its grip the democratic activist and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, a woman of extraordinary courage, it appeared that dialogue and national reconciliation in Burma might be possible. But last week, the Yangon regime, fearing Aung San Suu Kyi's rising popularity, again jailed her, murdered a number of her fellow freedom fighters, and with these actions Burma's military dictatorship has sunk to new lows, securing its place in the world's rogue's gallery of chronic human rights abusers.
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News from the United Nations that Aung San Suu Kyi was not injured in the arrest does not diminish our outrage. The Yangon regime has committed itself to destroying all democratic opposition in Burma and extending its reign of terror over a captive nation.
Mr. Chairman, dialogue with the Yangon regime is dead. National reconciliation in Burma is dead. We must adopt a new approach toward Burma today, and that new approach must be a strong sanctions regime. In this connection, I want to call all of my colleagues' attention to an editorial in today's Wall Street Journal by Secretary of State Colin Powell entitled, ''It is Time to Turn the Tables on Burma's Thugs.'' I would like that it be included in the record.
Chairman HYDE. Without objection, so ordered.
[The information referred to follows:]
ARTICLE SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD BY THE HONORABLE TOM LANTOS, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA
''IT'S TIME TO TURN THE TABLES ON BURMA'S THUGS''
BY SECRETARY COLIN L. POWELL
Op-Ed
Wall Street Journal
June 12, 2003
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United Nations Special Envoy Razali Ismail has just visited Burma and was able to bring us news that Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize winner and the leader of a peaceful democratic party known as the National League for Democracy, is well and unharmed. The thoughts and prayers of free people everywhere have been with her these past two weeks. Our fears for her current state of health are now somewhat lessened.
On May 30, her motorcade was attacked by thugs, and then the thugs who run the Burmese government placed her under ''protective custody.'' We can take comfort in the fact that she is well. Unfortunately, the larger process that Ambassador Razali and Aung San Suu Kyi have been pursuing—to restore democracy in Burma—is failing despite their good will and sincere efforts. It is time to reassess our policy toward a military dictatorship that has repeatedly attacked democracy and jailed its heroes.
There is little doubt on the facts. Aung San Suu Kyi's party won an election in 1990 and since then has been denied its place in Burmese politics. Her party has continued to pursue a peaceful path, despite personal hardships and lengthy periods of house arrest or imprisonment for her and her followers. Hundreds of her supporters remain in prison, despite some initial releases and promises by the junta to release more. The party's offices have been closed and their supporters persecuted. Ambassador Razali has pursued every possible opening and worked earnestly to help Burma make a peaceful transition to democracy. Despite initial statements last year, the junta—which shamelessly calls itself the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)—has now refused his efforts and betrayed its own promises.
At the end of last month, this rejection manifested itself in violence. After the May 30 attack on Aung San Suu Kyi's convoy, we sent U.S. Embassy officers to the scene to gather information. They reported back that the attack was planned in advance. A series of trucks followed her convoy to a remote location, blocked it and then unloaded thugs to swarm with fury over the cars of democracy supporters. The attackers were brutal and organized; the victims were peaceful and defenseless. The explanation by the Burmese military junta of what happened doesn't hold water. The SPDC has not made a credible report of how many people were killed and injured. It was clear to our embassy officers that the members of the junta were responsible for directing and producing this staged riot.
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We have called for a full accounting of what happened that day. We have called for Aung San Suu Kyi to be released from confinement of any kind. We have called for the release of the other leaders of the National League for Democracy who were jailed by the SPDC before and after the attack. We have called for the offices of the National League for Democracy to be allowed to reopen. We are in touch with other governments who are concerned about the fate of democracy's leader and the fate of democracy in Burma to encourage them, too, to pressure the SPDC. The Bush administration agrees with members of Congress, including Sen. Mitch McConnell, who has been a leading advocate of democracy in Burma, that the time has come to turn up the pressure on the SPDC.
Here's what we've done so far. The State Department has already extended our visa restrictions to include all officials of an organization related to the junta—the Union Solidarity and Development Association—and the managers of state-run enterprises so that they and their families can be banned as well.
The United States already uses our voice and our vote against loans to Burma from the World Bank and other international financial institutions. The State Department reports honestly and frankly on the crimes of the SPDC in our reports on Human Rights, Trafficking in Persons, Drugs, and International Religious Freedom. In all these areas, the junta gets a failing grade. We also speak out frequently and strongly in favor of the National League for Democracy, and against the SPDC. I will press the case in Cambodia next week when I meet with the leaders of Southeast Asia, despite their traditional reticence to confront a member and neighbor of their association, known as Asean.
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Mr. McConnell has introduced the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act in the Senate; Reps. Henry Hyde and Tom Lantos have introduced a similar bill in the House. We support the goals and intent of the bills and are working with the sponsors on an appropriate set of new steps. Those who follow this issue will know that our support for legislation is in fact a change in the position of this administration and previous ones as well. Simply put, the attack on Ms. Suu Kyi's convoy and the utter failure of the junta to accept efforts at peaceful change cannot be the last word on the matter. The junta that oppresses democracy inside Burma must find that its actions will not be allowed to stand.
There are a number of measures that should now be taken, many of them in the proposed legislation. It's time to freeze the financial assets of the SPDC. It's time to ban remittances to Burma so that the SPDC cannot benefit from the foreign exchange. With legislation, we can, and should, place restrictions on travel-related transactions that benefit the SPDC and its supporters. We also should further limit commerce with Burma that enriches the junta's generals. Of course, we would need to ensure consistency with our World Trade Organization and other international obligations. Any legislation will need to be carefully crafted to take into account our WTO obligations and the president's need for waiver authority, but we should act now.
By attacking Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters, the Burmese junta has finally and definitively rejected the efforts of the outside world to bring Burma back into the international community. Indeed, their refusal of the work of Ambassador Razali and of the rights of Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters could not be clearer. Our response must be equally clear if the thugs who now rule Burma are to understand that their failure to restore democracy will only bring more and more pressure against them and their supporters.
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Mr. LANTOS. Our legislation imposes a range of severe sanctions on Burma, Mr. Chairman, including an end to all trade, the freezing of Burmese assets in the United States, codification of the prohibition of international financial institution lending to Burma, expansion of Burmese visa ban, and support for Burma's democratic activists led by Aung San Suu Kyi. Our legislation is strong and it is comprehensive, but the desperate situation calls for just such a powerful piece of legislation.
With the approval of this bill, Congress will have a direct impact on the pocketbooks of Burmese generals who run Burma's factories while suppressing democracy in that country. The international community must follow our lead to have a far-reaching impact on Burma's military junta. The Europeans, already tough on Burma, must adopt import sanctions. The Thais and the Chinese must stop their efforts to develop cozy economic and political relations with the Burmese dictatorship, and they must recognize that national reconciliation cannot happen as long as the current military regime is in power.
Mr. Chairman, I urge all of my colleagues to approve this legislation, and I earnestly hope that the leadership of the House will permit a swift consideration on the Floor. I also urge all of our colleagues in the Senate to follow suit. Each day the United States and the international community fails to act is a day Aung San Suu Kyi continues to rot in a Burmese jail along with the democratic hope in Burma she embodies.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I mean, I hope not in my lifetime.
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Mr. LANTOS. I accept your good wishes, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. The gentleman from Pennsylvania, Mr. Pitts.
Mr. PITTS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I strongly support H.R. 2330, the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, and am offering an amendment to increase the findings, particularly to highlight the ethnic cleansing in which the ruling dictatorship is involved. I traveled to the Thai-Burma border in January, met with numerous NGOs and refugee groups, victims groups, and government officials. Numerous reports by NGOs and media, the State Department, the U.N., and other governments show that the SPDC has committed horrifying human rights abuses against its citizens.
One of the most heart wrenching aspects of our trip was visiting an orphanage and listening to the stories about the tragedy of these young lives. One little 8-year-old boy who could not even smile, had lost both parents. He was trafficked across the border to Thailand. Somehow he escaped from his owners and reached the safety of the refugee camps. To hear the stories of these children and people, to see the victims of those who have been killed and wounded by the SPDC and to see their suffering is just tragic. The dictatorship should, I concur, release Aung San Suu Kyi from detention and engage in dialogue with the ethnic minorities. I urge adoption of the amendments and the bill.
Thank you.
Chairman HYDE. Thank you, Mr. Pitts.
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Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. Mr. Payne.
Mr. PAYNE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I too stand in strong support of this amendment and deplore in the strongest possible terms the May 30th nationwide crackdown in Burma, which is consistent with what has been going on there for decades. The attack by armed goons supported by the Burma's military regime on the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi is an insult and an offense to all freedom-loving peoples around the world. Even worse, it is reported that several of her supporters have been brutally killed.
When I traveled to Burma several years ago, I had the opportunity to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi, and I was certainly impressed by her staunch commitment to freedom and her refusal to yield to unremitting government pressure. The people in Burma work for no salaries. They go to Thailand to work for a dollar a day in horrible situations, so you can imagine how bad it is in Burma. Youngsters demonstrated several years ago and were given 15-year prison terms for having a peaceful demonstration. I wrote and spoke to the Second Secretary on my visit there, the second in command, the military command, and asked that relief be given to these young people, but to date I have not heard of any of the sentencings being commuted.
I was also very proud to hear that Archbishop Desmond Tutu, a man that I have known and admired, has called for the international community to immediately impose sanctions on Burma's regime. I urge the United States to cooperate promptly in this regard. Failure to act decisively would be to miss an opportunity to reaffirm our support for liberty and justice in Burma.
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Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back the balance of my time.
Chairman HYDE. The Chair recognizes Mr. Rohrabacher.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Thank you very much. I would like to congratulate the Chair and Mr. Lantos for this legislation. This speaks to the heart and soul of the United States of America, because Burma has absolutely no strategic interests for the United States. And it can be argued that our operation in Iraq to help free those people from that gangster had something to do with our own national security. It cannot be argued that in the case with Burma. So why should we stand tall now? To let the rest of the world know that we are serious about liberty and justice for all, that we do believe in human rights, and that even when it has nothing to do with our national security, we are going to stand with those people who are oppressed.
The Burmese dictatorship has been in power. They used to call themselves the SCLORC, which I thought was actually a fitting name. They changed their name to some benevolently sounding title now; I will continue to call them the SLORC. They have now changed the name of their country from Burma to Myanmar. That is okay. When we get rid of the dictatorship, if the people want to be called the citizens of Myanmar, we will do that. Until then, I will refer to it as Burma.
But the only thing that these dictators have done over these many, many decades, has brought their people tyranny. They have created a land where drugs are about the only thing that are produced. Let us not forget that this dictatorship has overseen the production of more heroin than in any other country of the world, although the actual production now in Afghanistan, I might add, is at an alarming rate at this moment. And the dictators of Burma have brought tyranny and misery to their people at a country that used to be the bread basket of Asia, and now their people are eating insects. I was there several years ago, met with Aung San Suu Kyi, who was in detention, and I couldn't help but notice on the streets that the people were eating insects.
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As I say, this bill reaffirms our commitment to democracy. And if there is, however, a national security interest that ties us to the people of Burma, let us recognize what the dictatorship is doing in Burma. They are making Burma a vassal state of Communist China. The Communist Chinese have pumped billions of dollars worth of weaponry into Burma. That is how they have managed to maintain their control of those people. In return, China is raping the natural resources of that country; all the way from their teakwood, to their gems, and the other minerals in this very wealthy country. Instead of wealth, the people are living in abject poverty.
So today, I am very proud to join with Tom Lantos, who over the years has been so active in this issue, and call on our colleagues and on the people of the United States to stand with the oppressed people in Burma and for democracy and human rights.
Thank you very much.
Chairman HYDE. The gentleman from American Samoa, Mr. Faleomavaega.
Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I want to thank you and Mr. Lantos for your support and sponsorship of this proposed legislation. I want to say that it is an honor for me to say that we favorably reported this bill out of our Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, the gentleman from Iowa and myself, and want to commend you both for bringing this to the attention of the Members of the Committee.
Mr. Chairman, I think the time has run out. I recall 5 years ago I had the privilege of meeting with some of the foreign officials of the ASEAN countries, and we kept asking them what should we do with the situation in Burma, whom they recognize as a member of the ASEAN Association. They said, well, you have to be patient with these people. You have to work with them and gradually work with them about democracy.
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Well, Mr. Chairman, I think the time has come now that we need to call a spade a spade. This country has not in any way provided any form of democratization, and I think it is time that we need to put sanctions on the government of Burma and let them know that our Nation stands firm not only for Miss Kyi, but for all the freedom loving people in that country that earnestly needs our assistance. And I sincerely hope my colleagues will support our recommendation, at least my recommendation, that this bill be reported favorably to the Floor of the House.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. Thank you.
Mr. Blumenauer, the gentleman from Oregon.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate what you and Mr. Lantos are doing, bringing this forward at a particularly difficult time for this troubled country. Like many of my colleagues, one of my most memorable moments was spending an afternoon with Aung San Suu Kyi and my family. I am convinced that we do a lot of work in this Committee, Mr. Chairman, on monumental issues. This is a time where this legislation can make a big difference in terms of the world stage and in terms of mobilizing what Congress can do. And I would hope that each of us, as Members of the Committee, do not just support the legislation, cosponsor it, and speak in behalf of it, but also use it as an opportunity in our own communities to be able to put some leverage. There are opportunities dealing with Thailand just this month where we can make a difference.
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I take modest exception—it almost never happens with my friend Mr. Rohrabacher. But I do think that this impacts our national interest. We have seen what has happened with the destabilization of the drug traffic. But this is truly a rogue nation in a troubled part of the world, and if we cannot use our power to unite world opinion against an outlaw regime, and when we have a woman who is truly a beacon of democracy, I think that this is a failure on our part in terms of international diplomacy.
So I salute what you are doing now, but I hope that we take this to heart. The stars are aligned, I think, where we can really make a difference, not with military might, but with the tools of diplomacy, of moral suasion, of economic impact, and with the tremendous investment that we have made in Southeast Asia, where we can make a difference. And the United States needs to do this for our own interests in Southeast Asia. So I appreciate what you are doing, but I hope that we could individually redouble our efforts to make the most of this opportunity.
Chairman HYDE. Thank you. We have two amendments at the desk, both of which have been distributed to everyone, one from Mr. Lantos, one from Mr. Pitts. They are perfectly acceptable. And by unanimous consent, the Chair moves that they be adopted. Without objection, so ordered.
[The information referred to follows:]
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Chairman HYDE. The Chair notes the presence of a reporting quorum, and the Chair suggests that all statements that the Members might have on this issue by unanimous consent may be placed in the record.
The question occurs on the motion to report the bill, H.R. 2330, favorably, as amended. All in favor say aye. Opposed, nay. The ayes have it. The motion to report favorably is adopted.
Without objection, the Chairman is authorized to move to go to conference pursuant to House Rule 22. Without objection, the bill will be reported favorably to the House in the form of a single amendment in the nature of a substitute incorporating the amendments adopted here today.
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Without objection, all Members may insert statements into the record on the bills which we agreed to, the 14 bills we agreed to by unanimous consent.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. Mr. Lantos.
Mr. LANTOS. I just want to express my deep appreciation to all of my colleagues for their very eloquent and powerful statements.
Chairman HYDE. Thank you.
Pursuant to notice, I now call up H.R. 2441, the Millennium Challenge Account Authorization and Peace Corps Expansion Act of 2003. For purposes of markup, I move its favorable recommendation to the House. Without objection, the bill will be considered as read and open for amendment at any point.
[H.R. 2441 follows:]
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Chairman HYDE. The Chair yields himself 5 minutes for purposes of a statement.
Today, the Committee will consider the Millennium Challenge Account Authorization and Peace Corps Expansion Act of 2003. My remarks this morning will be centered on the Millennium Challenge Account, an initiative based on the revolutionary idea that countries must be accountable for their actions, be responsible for developing and advancing their own plans and progress, and must show results in order to receive economic assistance from the American taxpayers.
The Millennium Challenge Account was developed and advanced by a President willing to take a risk with a bold new idea. However, demanding accountability from our foreign aid programs is not such a new idea. In the past and most recently in the 107th Congress, I introduced a bill, the Foreign Aid Effectiveness Act, which required the President to describe the actual results of U.S. foreign assistance relative to the goals, and identify the most and least successful foreign assistance programs. Elements of this initiative are incorporated into the bill which we are considering this morning.
In March 2002, President Bush announced his intention to create a new development assistance program called the Millennium Challenge Account—the MCA. The program, if authorized, will be above and beyond existing aid, and will distribute U.S. economic aid to developing countries that are determined to govern justly, invest in their people, and encourage economic freedom. We are here today to debate and report a bipartisan bill that authorizes the President's proposal.
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In March, the Committee held a hearing on the proposal and heard from three Administration witnesses on the proposed structure and organization of the Millennium Challenge Corporation, the new organization proposed to manage MCA assistance. Members also heard testimony and had the opportunity to question witnesses from respected charities such as ''Save the Children'' and ''Bread for the World,'' as well as experts from the Heritage Foundation and the Center for Global Development on eligibility criteria for the MCA.
At that hearing, our witnesses did not dispute that many U.S. aid programs have not achieved desired results over the years. Some assistance has allowed corrupt leaders to amass personal fortunes and remain in power beyond the will of the citizenry. Other aid has allowed leaders and governments to abdicate responsibility for effective governance and pursue detrimental, self-destructive, or personally self-enriching policies with little results to show in the end.
The mixed results of the past should not lead us to turn our backs on the developing world—just the opposite. Now is the time for American leadership and for America to recognize and help those countries that respect the rights of citizens, promote democracy, and encourage economic freedom and prosperity. However, we need to demonstrate what works and what does not. And we need to hold accountable those governments and leaders who do not choose the right path of reform.
The President's proposal is a serious attempt to address the concern that existing U.S. development assistance programs have had mixed results over the years and, in many cases, have failed to achieve stated goals. The President's proposal—a new type of foreign aid based on performance and accountability—is a step in the right direction and is supported by the Heritage Foundation, the Wall Street Journal, and other organizations that have previously characterized foreign assistance as inefficient and ineffective.
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To alleviate concerns that he may be abandoning the people of the developing world who live under governments that do not meet such standards, the President has made clear his intention that the MCA will not replace existing development assistance programs nor subtract from their budgets. To fund the MCA, the President has proposed an additional $5 billion to the current development assistance budget of $10 billion, phased in over a 3-year period. The President's fiscal year 2004 budget requests $1.3 billion for the first year of the initiative, and his proposal calls for MCA funding to increase to $3.3 billion in fiscal year 2005 and $5 billion in fiscal year 2006. The Administration forwarded its proposed MCA authorizing bill to Congress in February, and I have been working with Mr. Lantos, the Administration, and other Members of the Committee and of Congress to devise a compromise bill that will accomplish this goal.
As we report the MCA authorization bill today, our overriding principle should be to ensure success of this initiative from the start, demand results from its endeavors, and receive value for taxpayer dollars. President Bush announced that the MCA has a separate and distinct development assistance program that will be available only to countries which meet three criteria: They must display good governance, invest in the health and education of their people, and enact sound policies which promote economic freedom.
The United States must be more selective in aid distribution if the assistance is to be effective and a positive contribution to development. As proposed by the President and endorsed in the legislation before you today, MCA assistance will reward only those recipients who willingly adopt good policies and institutions. Of the 70 or so countries currently eligible for development assistance, it is possible that only 10 countries will meet the strict criteria stipulated by the President and endorsed in this bill. At the funding levels proposed, this may mean a very high level of assistance for MCA-eligible countries. The Administration believes this will create a competition among cusp countries which may accelerate reforms and the adoption of good policies. I endorse this approach.
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The President's proposal for a Millennium Challenge Account deserves the support of Congress. We should embrace the idea of increasing U.S. economic assistance but only to those countries that demonstrate a commitment to human rights, democratic ideals and practices, and investments in people. Reporting out a Millennium Challenge Account bill and working to support final passage of an act through Congress in 2003 is one of the most important priorities of this Committee, and I am pleased to open today's meeting of the Committee by recognizing my good friend and colleague Tom Lantos for any remarks he may wish to make.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Hyde follows:]
PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE HENRY J. HYDE, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF ILLINOIS, AND CHAIRMAN, COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
H.R. 2441
Good morning and welcome to this scheduled meeting of the Committee on International Relations. Today the Committee will consider the Millennium Challenge Account Authorization and Peace Corps Expansion Act of 2003. My remarks this morning will be centered on the Millennium Challenge Account, an initiative based on the revolutionary idea that countries must be accountable for their actions, be responsible for developing and advancing their own plans of progress, and must show results in order to receive economic assistance from the American taxpayer.
The Millennium Challenge Account was developed and advanced by a President who is willing to take a risk with a bold new idea. Actually, demanding accountability from our foreign aid programs is not such a new idea. In the past, and most recently in the 107th Congress, I introduced a bill, the Foreign Aid Effectiveness Act, which required the President to describe the actual results of U.S. foreign assistance relative to the goals, and identify the most and least successful foreign assistance programs. Elements of this initiative are incorporated into the bill which we are considering this morning.
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In March 2002, President Bush announced his intention to create a new development assistance program called the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA). The program, if authorized by Congress, will be above and beyond existing aid and will distribute U.S. economic aid to developing countries that are determined to govern justly, invest in their people and encourage economic freedom. We are here today to debate and report a bipartisan bill that authorizes the President's proposal.
In March, the Committee held a hearing on the Administration's proposal, and heard from three administration witnesses on the proposed structure and organization of the Millennium Challenge Corporation, the new organization proposed to manage MCA assistance. Members also heard testimony and had the opportunity to question witnesses from the respected charities, ''Save the Children'' and ''Bread for the World,'' as well as experts from the Heritage Foundation and the Center for Global Development on eligibility criteria for the MCA.
At that hearing, our witnesses did not dispute that many U.S. aid programs have not achieved desired results over the years. Some assistance has allowed corrupt leaders to amass personal fortunes and remain in power beyond the will of the citizenry. Other aid has allowed leaders and governments to abdicate responsibility for effective governance and pursue detrimental, self-destructive, or personally self-enriching policies, with little results to show in the end. The mixed results of the past should not lead us to turn our backs on the developing world—just the opposite. Now is the time for American leadership and for America to recognize and help, those countries that respect the rights of citizens, promote democracy, and encourage economic freedom and prosperity. However, we need to demonstrate what works, and what doesn't. And we need to hold accountable those governments and leaders who do not choose the right path of reform.
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The President's proposal is a serious attempt to address the concern that existing U.S. development assistance programs have had mixed results over the years, and in many cases have failed to achieve stated goals. The President's proposal—a new type of foreign aid based on performance and accountability of recipient nations—is a step in the right direction, and is supported by the Heritage Foundation, the Wall Street Journal, and other organizations that have previously characterized foreign assistance as inefficient and ineffective.
To alleviate concerns that he may be abandoning the people of the developing world who live under governments that do not meet such standards, the President has made clear his intention that the MCA will not replace existing development assistance programs or subtract from their budgets. To fund the MCA, the President has proposed an additional $5 billion to the current development assistance budget of $10 billion, phased in over a three-year period. The President's FY 2004 budget requests $1.3 billion for the first year of the initiative, and his proposal calls for MCA funding to increase to $3.3 billion in FY 2005 and $5 billion in FY 2006. The Administration forwarded its proposed MCA authorizing bill to Congress in February, and I have been working with Mr. Lantos, the Administration, and other Members of the Committee and of Congress to devise a compromise bill that will accomplish this goal.
As we report an MCA authorization bill today, our overriding principle should be to ensure success of this initiative from the start, demand results from its endeavors, and receive value for taxpayer dollars. President Bush announced that the MCA, as a separate and distinct development assistance program, will be available only to countries which meet three criteria: they must display good governance, invest in the health and education of their people, and enact sound policies which promote economic freedom.
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The United States must be more selective in aid distribution if the assistance is to be effective and a positive contributor to development. As proposed by the President and endorsed in the legislation before you today, MCA assistance will reward only those recipients who willingly adopt good policies and institutions. Of the 70 or so countries currently eligible for development assistance, it is possible that only ten countries will meet the strict criteria stipulated by the President and endorsed in this bill. At the funding levels proposed, this may mean a very high level of assistance for MCA-eligible countries. The Administration believes that this will create a competition among ''cusp'' countries which may accelerate reforms and the adoption of good policies. I endorse this approach.
The President's proposal for a Millennium Challenge Account deserves the support of the Congress. We should embrace the idea of increasing U.S. economic assistance but only to those countries that demonstrate a commitment to human rights, democratic ideals and practices, and investment in people. Reporting out a Millennium Challenge Account bill and working to support final passage of an Act through Congress in 2003 is one of the most important priorities of this Committee, and I am pleased to open today's meeting of the Committee by recognizing my good friend and colleague, Tom Lantos, for any remarks he may wish to make.
Mr. LANTOS. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, first I commend you for your most serious and successful effort in bringing the Millennium Challenge Account legislation before our Committee today, and I want to thank you personally and your staff for the extraordinary bipartisanship that you have demonstrated throughout our lengthy deliberations. This is the second time this year we have met on this important issue, testifying to your leadership and to your commitment to the cause of international development and the reduction of poverty globally.
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As I said at our March hearing, the Millennium Challenge Account as conceived by the President and crafted by this Committee marks the beginning of a revolution in United States international development assistance. By recognizing the importance of democratic rule, good governance, and human rights, in achieving sustainable levels of economic growth, and social development, the MCA creates the political and economic linkages critical to reducing poverty and achieving progress.
At the same time, Mr. Chairman, the MCA removes the Cold War era strategic calculus from the development assistance equation. Each potential recipient of our assistance is to be judged on its own merits based on their commitment to progress and our commitment to the political, economic, social, and humanitarian value of development assistance.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, the MCA implicitly endorses a critical aspect of our approach to combating international terrorism. Although the Administration hasn't focused on this point, modern terrorism of the kind that struck our Nation on September 11th is fueled in part by the desperation and hopelessness that pervades much of the developing world. The MCA provides new hope and, as such, represents a powerful antidote to terrorism and other forms of violent conflict that have stalled the developing world. There are many powerful reasons to support this legislation, not the least of which is its contribution to defeating international terrorism and strife.
As we have learned recently from our experience with SARS, HIV/AIDS, Ebola, West Nile virus, Monkeypox, and other diseases, our world is much too small to ignore the threats that often emanate from less developed regions.
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Mr. Chairman, when we last considered this subject, I expressed a range of concerns about various aspects of the Administration's initial proposal. I am pleased to say today that the bill before us, painstakingly crafted with meticulous care and in a bipartisan fashion by the Committee's Republican and Democratic staffs, has addressed satisfactorily every one of my earlier concerns and the bill before us has my strong support.
The Administration's initial proposal relegated USAID, the most capable agency within the U.S. Government in administering international assistance, to a bit part in managing this massive account. Our bipartisan bill restores USAID to its rightful role by providing its administrator with a seat and a vote on the Millennium Challenge Corporation's board of directors. Together with the interagency coordination our bill requires, this improvement promises to strengthen the MCA considerably.
Our bipartisan bill also addresses my earlier concerns about the rigid application of strict eligibility criteria. By mandating Congressional and civil society consultations on the finalization of criteria, by providing for an annual reevaluation process, and by authorizing limited assistance to those countries on the cusp of eligibility, our legislation safeguards against the inherent arbitrary nature of mechanically selecting qualified states.
Mr. Chairman, the MCA represents a giant step in the right direction, one that has been long overdue. I hope that by approving this historic measure on a bipartisan basis we will bury the taboo that has characterized foreign assistance in Congress, especially since 1994.
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Historically, the United States has ranked near the bottom of the list in foreign assistance per capita of all industrialized nations. Now, I am very mindful of the enormous sums we spend for a global security umbrella. Yet the MCA will now go a long way toward erasing our national embarrassment of being the last in number in providing foreign assistance per capita. We will still not reach the per capita levels of development assistance of Denmark, of Norway, or of the Netherlands, but this measure marks a new beginning. Our work is not complete with today's vote, however, and it can be easily undone. If the President and the majority in Congress will fail to fully fund this initiative, as I have reason to believe that they might, approval today could be a Pyrrhic legislative victory and a sizeable setback for our national security at the hands of tax cut-induced fiscal constraints. Already, Mr. Chairman, there are reports that the appropriations allocations for this year will significantly reduce U.S. foreign aid funding, which includes funding for this all important initiative.
Mr. Chairman, as I have said before, while the massive tax cuts that this Congress and the President have enacted will provide enormous benefits to the wealthiest in our country, they are forcing our Nation to cut back on essential and necessary spending both for domestic programs and such foreign assistance programs as we incorporate in MCA.
I call on President Bush and I call on the majority in this Congress to maintain our core development programs at this year's level and to fund fully this new initiative. The President said that MCA would be, and I quote, ''new money,'' and I expect him to keep his word.
Mr. Chairman, allow me to conclude by addressing the reauthorization of the Peace Corps, which is also included in this legislation. It is fitting that we consider the MCA and the Peace Corps jointly, because both are critical to enhancing U.S. International development assistance. Since President Kennedy first deployed the Peace Corps in 1961, the program's 168,000 volunteers have made an immeasurable contribution to reducing poverty and promoting American values literally all over the globe. Reauthorizing this inspirational initiative is clearly in our national interests and in the interests of reducing poverty and restoring hope worldwide.
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Two of our colleagues deserve recognition for bringing the Peace Corps reauthorization before us. Ms. Betty McCollum, who recently joined us on this Committee, and Sam Farr, a former Peace Corps volunteer himself, were instrumental in crafting this bill and I am deeply indebted to both of them.
Mr. Chairman, today we will take the first steps toward reauthorizing the Peace Corps and setting the Millennium Challenge Account on the path to passage. Both initiatives offer the best hope to defeat international poverty and international terrorism. I strongly urge all of my colleagues to support this carefully crafted bipartisan bill.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. SMITH OF NEW JERSEY. Mr. Chairman, move to strike the last word.
Chairman HYDE. The gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Smith.
Mr. SMITH OF NEW JERSEY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, I just want to congratulate you and Mr. Lantos on drafting an outstanding bill. In reading the text very carefully, I was concerned that the human rights provisions might not be strong enough. But now I appreciate your assurance that we will have report language that would make it abundantly clear that we do not want to be rewarding human rights violators just because other criteria articulated in the bill may have been met so that we inadvertently enable those who abuse other people.
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I speak particularly of countries like Vietnam and Georgia, just to name two. Yesterday the Republic of Georgia went on the Tier III for egregious violators of those who traffic in human persons. They are now at risk, and certainly if they do not make immediate changes they ought to be censored by the Administration pursuant to the act, the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act. It is very clear that that is prescribed in the bill and President Bush I believe will do that. They, looking at the basic criteria in the Millennium Challenge Account, probably could have gotten funding unless we make it very clear what we mean.
Vietnam is another country. I think my colleagues are well aware of the fact that in the area of religious persecution there has been a significant deterioration of respect for religious belief by the government of Vietnam. Hundreds of churches in the Central Highlands have been closed, shut down. There have been what we call coerced renunciations of faith. They have been happening with increasing frequency, these events where people are beaten and tortured until they renounce their faith. In most instances it is a faith in Christ that they are forced to renounce.
There are about 40 Christian leaders that have disappeared since July. We are demanding that there be an investigation, and those who have either abducted or killed or whatever happened to those 40 religious leaders be held to account; and, hopefully, those who are perhaps incarcerated or in some torture chamber somewhere will be released.
And then, of course, there is the case of Father Lee. Here is a man who provided testimony to the International Commission on Religious Freedom here in this country, here in this capital, only to find that his written submission got him a prison sentence and got him abducted by the government officials. That is outrageous. A government that wants to do business or claims it wants to do business with the United States is so grossly mistreating its own people. But, again, I appreciate the Chairman's agreement to put good strong report language in so that it is made crystal clear that we do not want to enable and empower human rights abusers.
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Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. Thank you, Mr. Smith.
The gentlelady from Minnesota, Ms. McCollum.
Ms. MCCOLLUM. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I move to strike the last word.
I would like to ask for your help as this bill progresses in making sure that, as part of the criteria, we look at sustainable development. In the hearing that we had yesterday, and in some of the work that I have done in learning more about how to work with countries to make them more sustainable so that they can stand up and be an active part of the global economy, I am finding that the USAID, as well as other U.S. organizations quite often look at environmental hazards that might be looming out on a project. And I will give you an example of one that I learned about that happened in Peru.
They were looking at adding more cattle to an area to increase not only profitability for individual ranchers in the area, but to provide more protein for people who live there. They did not think it out as clearly and as carefully as they should have. When they went in with the cattle, with some of the grazing, they created a breeding ground for malaria, and increased the malaria around in that area. By doing some sustainable planning and having that being part of any development that we are looking in, we are also putting dollars into the Millennium Challenge Account. I think we can create win-win solutions for people to be more economically independent and to make sure that we have healthy populations. And so, Mr. Chair, I look to working with you and Mr. Lantos and the staff as this progresses farther to incorporate language that is currently used by many of our agencies into the Millennium Account. And if I could have your help with that and your guidance, I would appreciate that.
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Chairman HYDE. You have our assurances.
The gentleman from California, Mr. Royce.
Mr. ROYCE. Thank you. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
Chairman HYDE. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The CLERK. Amendment offered by Mr. Royce. In title 11 of Division B of the bill, redesignate section 1109.
[The information referred to follows:]
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Chairman HYDE. Without objection, further reading of the bill is dispensed with, and the gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes in support of his amendment.
Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am going to be very brief. I am pleased to see that this legislation today includes the Peace Corps Expansion Act and this particular amendment expresses the sense of Congress that the Peace Corps should return to Sierra Leone as soon as security conditions permit. And let me explain the reason for this.
Mayhem and murder occurred in Sierra Leone, where we saw tens of thousands of people forcibly amputated or killed, two million displaced, that was spread by the Revolutionary United Front backed by Charles Taylor, the Liberian warlord. That process has ended, and last week U.N. Special Prosecutor Dave Crane rightly issued an indictment against Taylor to bring this human rights abuser to justice.
And in May of last year Sierra Leone held free and fair elections. Well, because of this brutal conflict, the Peace Corps was forced in 1994 to terminate its program in Sierra Leone after a long tradition of service there. As a matter of fact, from 1962 to 1994, 6,000 Peace Corps volunteers served in Sierra Leone, focusing on education and health and agricultural programs, and that is a legacy that is worth reviving. And we have a request from some of the amputees from a village where the Sierra Leone Peace Corps operation participated, and these victims of forced amputation have asked if the Peace Corps could come back to Sierra Leone.
That is the intent of this amendment, and I will yield back the balance of my time.
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Chairman HYDE. Mr. Lantos.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I want to salute my friend from California for an excellent amendment. We strongly support the amendment, and just want to add that no country deserves more strongly our support than the ravaged country of Sierra Leone, and the gentleman from California is making a noble contribution to this bill.
Chairman HYDE. Is there further discussion?
Mr. PAUL. Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. Mr. Paul.
Mr. PAUL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I move to strike the last word.
Chairman HYDE. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. PAUL. Mr. Chairman, I don't have a strong feeling one way or the other on this amendment, but I would like to make a couple of comments on the bill itself because it seems like there is fairly strong agreement that this is a good bill and will pass easily. I would like to point out a few points—make a few points that should make us reconsider the way we do business here.
This country is not in as good financial shape as some of us must believe. Somebody put a figure out the other day that our total obligations in this country now is $43 trillion if you add up everything we are obligated to do for everybody that is living today. And the net asset value of everything that we have in the country is $40 trillion. So, technically, we are bankrupt. Our debt, our national debt is going up now over $500 billion a year. And it just seems like to add on another $9 billion of foreign aid and think nothing of it, it is almost like we are in denial and that this will continue forever, that deficits mean nothing, that all we need is a Federal Reserve to print the money and everything is going to be okay.
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Our economy is very weak. I think there are some serious problems out there, and it is more the tone that bothers me that there is no cost to this. I mean, just add another program.
Quite frankly, I think the odds of programs like this doing much good aren't all that good. Usually they backfire. There are usually unintended consequences. And, to me, it is rather sad that we are not more conservative in the way we spend the people's money. When you spend $9 billion, it has to come from somewhere and it comes out of the economy, and it usually hurts the very people that so many on the other side are always trying to help.
This does affect medical care and it does effect education, and yet we seem to ignore that. And those who propose this seem to grab the moral high ground of all the good things that we are going to do, but the good intentions really doesn't qualify for the moral high ground because there is another moral issue involved. There is a cost to this, and the cost has to be borne by some invisible person out there and that is a burden, and it is collected and transferred by force.
So there is a moral issue on who pays that is totally ignored on every program that we pass in this Congress.
In spite of all this, I am basically an optimist, and I believe—and I always want to believe in the positive things. Now, it is a real challenge to come up with something positive for me about this piece of legislation, but I have decided there has to be something positive, and my idea is that we should strive for a free society, a limited government, one where we strictly follow the Constitution.
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We now manage in an unmanageable way the welfare-warfare state. I don't think it is going to continue. I think it will end. Maybe then those of us who believe in the strict adherence to the Constitution, limited government and individual liberty will have an opportunity to present our views to promote that cause.
And I yield back.
Chairman HYDE. The Chair announces there are three votes pending on the Floor: The previous question, the rule, and the Journal.
The question occurs on the Royce amendment. All those in favor say aye. Opposed, nay. The ayes have it, and the amendment is agreed to.
We will stand in recess until 1 p.m. I urge you to return at 1 p.m. We have some very important amendments ahead of us. 1 p.m. Thank you.
[Whereupon, at 11:30 a.m., the Committee was recessed, to reconvene at 1 p.m., this same day.]
Chairman HYDE. The Committee will come to order. The Chair notes the presence of a working quorum.
When the Committee recessed, we were considering the bill H.R. 2441, the Millennium Challenge Account. No amendment was pending, and the Chair recognizes the gentlelady from California Ms. Lee.
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Ms. LEE. I have an amendment at the desk.
Chairman HYDE. The clerk will report the amendment.
The CLERK. Amendment offered by Ms. Lee. In title 2 of division A of the bill——
Chairman HYDE. Without objection, further reading of the amendment will be dispensed with, and the gentlelady is recognized for 5 minutes in support of her amendment.
[The information referred to follows:]
87676q.AAB
Ms. LEE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
First of all, I would like to start by thanking yourself and Mr. Lantos for the effort that you and your staffs have put in into ensuring that this bill will make a real difference in the world, and I am convinced that, given the very diligent work over the last couple of months, that is, in fact, what will happen.
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I particularly want to commend you for the exemplary way in which it integrates best practices regarding the very strong connection between women's development, women's empowerment and the real effectiveness of the development dollar. This bill provides sound guidance to the MCC on implementing the principle of women's full participation in development. I want to thank you both for your commitment to this issue. I believe that we also can apply similar best practices to the United States side of this equation. The bulk of this assistance money, of course, will be distributed to the recipient countries, and rightfully so, but some of this money will also go to American companies.
My amendment to this bill seeks to extend, where practicable, to ensure that United States small, minority, and women-owned businesses fully participate in the provision of goods and services financed with funds made available through the MCA. The amendment also calls for an annual report on the extent of the participation of such businesses. Small and disadvantaged businesses, women-owned businesses, represent a vital economic engine in our country, yet too often they have little chance to participate in foreign assistance programs.
This amendment would only apply, once again, to the funds spent with U.S. companies within the United States. Yesterday in his testimony before the Financial Services Committee, Under Secretary of State Alan Larson said,
''We expect United States development expertise, including the experience of United States profit and nonprofit sectors, in establishing transparent, financial, accountable, effective activities, and all of these would be engaged through the MCA.''
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He said,
''We expect as well to see local for-profit and nonprofit entities working side by side with the governments and other United States participants.''
Secretary Larson went on to say that the MCC staff would rely heavily on contracted services for monitoring, evaluation and many other services. So the intent of this amendment is to ensure that small businesses and minority and women-owned business enterprises have the opportunity to participate as part of this United States private sector activity.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your assistance. I want to thank the staff and Mr. Lantos. I want to thank Shannon Smith on my staff, who has worked very diligently to help us bring forth an amendment which I hope both sides can support. Thank you, and I yield the balance of my time.
Chairman HYDE. Thank you.
I want to tell the gentlelady that we are very pleased to accept her amendment. It mandates the conduct that they ought to be following anyway, and it is a good amendment, and we are happy to accept it, and I yield to my friend Mr. Lantos.
Mr. LANTOS. Just 10 seconds. I want to commend my friend and colleague for proposing an eminently reasonable amendment, and I think all of us on our side are delighted to join her in supporting.
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Chairman HYDE. The question occurs on the amendment offered by the gentlelady from California. All in favor, say aye.
Opposed, nay.
The ayes have it, and the amendment is agreed to.
And the Chair recognizes Mr. Royce.
Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have an amendment at the desk and——
Chairman HYDE. Clerk will report the amendment.
The CLERK. Amendment offered by Mr. Royce. Page 52, strike line 12 and all that follows through line 11——
Chairman HYDE. Without objection, further reading of the amendment is dispensed with, and the gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes in support of his amendment.
[The information referred to follows:]
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Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Now, this amendment strikes the $10 million that is authorized to enhance data collection for the Millennium Challenge Accounts by funding instead nongovernmental organizations. And I would make the point that Millennium Challenge Account criteria have been heavily studied by nongovernmental organizations. In fact, we have a cottage industry that has emerged, and that is good, that has studied and analyzed MCA criteria before the legislation has even passed. In fact, a quick check shows that there are 30 U.S. groups and think tanks, mostly Washington-based, that have studied the MCA proposal, and I don't think there will be any shortage of efforts to study and analyze and improve MCA criteria after it is actually up and running.
As our Secretary of State recently wrote in promoting this legislation, 3 billion of the world's population are living on $2 a day. And I don't know why we should fund with $10 million groups that have shown already that they have the means to analyze MCA. What I do know is that because of widespread government repression of free speech and poverty, the nations of Africa in particular suffer an acute shortage of nongovernmental organizations that effectively study and promote the principle objectives of the Millennium Challenge Account. And the Millennium Challenge Account will struggle to reach its goals unless developing-world countries possess a home-grown intellectual commitment and a culture of advocacy aimed at promoting these same objectives.
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So this amendment shifts the $10 million for data collection to what I propose to be Millennium Challenge Seed Grants in support of nongovernmental organizations, including universities and independent foundations and other organizations in low-income and lower middle-income countries which are undertaking research, education and advocacy efforts aimed at promoting democratic societies, human rights, the rule of law, improved educational opportunities and health conditions particularly for women and children and economic freedom; in other words, the very goals of the Millennium Challenge Account. So helping grow local support for the values we are embracing in this bill will, in my view, be a far greater bang for the buck than funding data collection, so I ask my colleagues for their support for this amendment.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. The gentleman from California Mr. Lantos.
Mr. LANTOS. I think my friend from California is proposing a rational amendment, and I urge my colleagues to vote for it.
Chairman HYDE. Thank the gentleman.
Ms. WATSON. Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. Ms. Watson.
Ms. WATSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
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I, too, want to strongly support this amendment by Congressman Royce. It is very important, and on line 8, he talks about the rule of law. I would hope that in countries that are eligible, we could assist them in holding a conference on the rule of law. If any one of our projects is not successful, it is because they have not supported the rule of law and abandoned the law when they want to get whatever it is accomplished.
So I want to commend Congressman Royce—I think I see him down at the end—for including among these other provisions the rule of law, and maybe we want to think beyond as to how we can get them to sponsor a forum on the rule of law.
Chairman HYDE. Thank the gentlelady.
Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. Mr. Payne.
Mr. PAYNE. I will be very brief. I would like to offer my support to this amendment from the Chairman of the African Subcommittee. I think it makes a lot of sense, and I think it would assist many of the NGOs, who do outstanding work every day to utilize their capabilities, more so than looking for other groups that would be doing the same thing. So I urge support of their amendment.
Chairman HYDE. Thank the gentleman.
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I want to add my name to those who support this excellent amendment. It improves the bill. It moves funding to indigenous organizations where such development is sorely needed.
And if there is no further discussion, the question occurs on the Royce amendment. All those in favor, say aye.
Opposed, nay.
The ayes have it, and the amendment is agreed to.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey Mr. Payne.
Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
Chairman HYDE. Clerk will report the amendment.
The CLERK. Amendment offered by Mr. Payne. Page 21, line 3, strike ''the compact'' and insert the following.
Chairman HYDE. Without objection, further reading of the amendment is dispensed with, and the gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes in support of his amendment.
[The information referred to follows:]
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Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Chairman, let me say that when the Millennium Challenge Account was announced several years ago, there was a goal by many of us who were hoping that 50 percent of the fund could be set aside for Africa. As we moved forward, we found that this sort of a quota was not acceptable, even though 39 of the 81 IDA countries are in Africa, even though 300 million people in Africa live on less than $1 a day, and 39 countries have people living under $460 a year. So we were willing then to say there is no need in fighting that fight, even though we thought it was a very noble battle.
The lower-income countries were brought into the MCA account in the third year, as we know. Incidentally, currently over 40 percent of development assistance today as we speak go to lower-income countries currently, almost half of development assistance. So the poorest of the poor really are not benefiting even in our foreign assistance programs as we see it today.
Be that as it may, I do have an amendment. Since lower income—lower middle-income countries are added, I would simply like to say that many proponents of the lower- and middle-income countries argue that there are large pockets of poverty in these countries, and that is true. However, data shows that lower- and middle-income countries as a whole have significant greater resources to finance their development, including access to larger flows of private capital and the ability to generate domestic revenue. And as I mentioned, 40 percent of current development assistance goes to the Colombias, the Jordans, the Egypts, et cetera, although depending on the country, the amount may be more or less in different countries. For instance, South Africa, who may already be spending a great deal on development in education, for example, may have less additional funds to contribute to this end. South Africa and Namibia also have significant percentages of their population who live in poverty, and their per capita income is more a reflection of the inequity in the distribution of wealth in those countries.
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So there are a number of complicated issues that we do have in the whole search to have these funds be used most expeditiously. If the MCA is to include lower- and middle-income countries, there should be a requirement that the qualifying countries in the lower middle-income category match MCA resources or, first of all, do not diminish what they are currently putting into programs of this nature that makes them qualify. But secondly, there should be a match, not dollar for dollar, but there should be an additional amount that should go if they are in the 20 percent, which will qualify in the third year. It is less complicated than I am saying it evidently, believe me.
So the actual amount over and above what they currently spend would be negotiated by the country and the MCC within this compact. This would provide an incentive to lower- and middle-income countries to allocate more domestic spending for development purposes and adopt better policies, and would ultimately provide greater country ownership. Such a requirement would help ensure sustainability of the development, financing lower- and middle-income countries in a shorter duration as local resources could be used over a shorter period of time to replace donor resources.
What we are saying is, regardless, that the amount would be negotiated that the lower- and middle-income countries would simply be added to do—one, not take away from their current spending, but also, add a bit to this. So I would just urge support of the amendment. And with that, I yield back.
Chairman HYDE. The gentleman from Wisconsin, Mr. Green.
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Mr. GREEN. Move to strike the last word.
Chairman HYDE. The gentleman is recognized.
Mr. GREEN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I think one of the dangers that we have today is adding inflexible restrictions to the compact process. I don't believe this amendment does that. I think this amendment is appropriate because it makes the suggestion to the CEO that they should take into account such things, and, where appropriate, they should look for a home country contribution, which I think makes eminent sense, and I think it is an excellent amendment, and I support the gentleman's work.
Chairman HYDE. Thank the gentleman.
Mr. Lantos.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I want to commend my friend from New Jersey, and I think it is an excellent amendment, and I urge all my colleagues to vote for it.
Chairman HYDE. I am pleased to support this amendment. It requires the government of a recipient lower middle-income country to provide the same level of commitment from their own resources in investing in its people in 2006 as it did in 2005. It has been negotiated with both sides and is certainly acceptable.
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And I thought I heard Mr. Faleomavaega seeking attention.
Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I support the amendment. But by way of definition, I am trying to determine at least in going through the provisions of the proposed legislation, what is a lower middle-income country? Does this equate to the same as the least developed country by definition, or are we on an entirely different measurement standard here? I am trying to gauge the extent of the gentleman's amendment. What does it make reference to, least developed countries, or are we measuring them in terms of per capita income growth? I am trying to get a clear picture.
Chairman HYDE. You sit very close to Mr. Payne and ask him to answer your question. Just lean over and ask him.
Mr. PAYNE. The lower-income countries are in the third year. First year is IDA countries. Second year is $1,435, which is what the per capita income is. And the lower middle-income countries is $2,475 annually—2,975 annually. So that is the lower middle-income countries, which in the poorest of the poor, is a pretty good level of standard. So that is the lower middle-income.
Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. I thank the gentleman. I want to make sure we are at that standard. When you put the word ''middle,'' is it middle class, lower middle class.
Mr. PAYNE. The upper lower class.
Chairman HYDE. The question occurs on the amendment offered by the gentleman from New Jersey. All in favor, say aye.
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Opposed, nay.
The ayes have it, and the amendment is agreed to.
The Chair recognizes Mr. Menendez for purposes of an amendment.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have amendment 1 at the desk.
Chairman HYDE. The clerk will report the amendment.
The CLERK. Amendment offered by Mr. Menendez. In section 203(b)(1) of the bill, strike ''for fiscal year 2006'' and——
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, I ask that the amendment be considered as read.
Chairman HYDE. Without objection, the amendment will be considered as read.
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Chairman HYDE. And the gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes in support of his amendment.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, what I seek to do through this amendment, for what the whole spirit of the Millennium Challenge Account is about, but particularly for Latin America and the Caribbean, as we would say in Spanish, which simply means, whether in Spanish or English, that the Millennium Challenge Account does not benefit the great majority of the Western Hemisphere's poorest citizens, and that is a shame. And that is why I am offering this amendment, because it would make already under the bill's proposals eligible nations, at least eligible by income, nations that would only qualify for assistance 3 years after passage to qualify on the first year.
The Millennium Challenge Account was launched in Monterrey, Mexico, to much fanfare. Our hemispheric neighbors at the time responded with great interest and even excitement, which I hasten to add is not the most frequent response in the hemisphere to U.S. Initiatives. This initiative was launched in Mexico, but the reality is it won't touch those in Chiapas, but even more importantly, it will never touch the great majority of the region's poorest of the poor, and that goes against the grain of what the bill purports to do, and that is precisely why I offer this amendment.
According to CRS, if this bill were to pass without my amendment, in the first year after it passes, the following hemispheric countries are the only potential—and I underline potential—recipients under the MCA: Bolivia, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras and Nicaragua. Of those, probably only Bolivia, Honduras and Nicaragua would pass the eligibility criteria, according to various experts. The net benefit for all of Latin America and the Caribbean, 3 out of 34 democracies and not many poor people may benefit.
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Contrast that with the reality of poverty in the hemisphere. Two hundred million citizens in Latin America and the Caribbean earn under $2 a day. That would equal to $730 per capita annually. One hundred million Latin American and Caribbean citizens live on less than $1 a day. That would equal $365 per capita annually.
Both of these levels are well below the 1,435 threshold in this bill in years 1 and 2, and yet these poorest of the poor in the hemisphere would not qualify for assistance under the MCA. In fact, experts tell us that even after the third year, in the best case scenario, only 15 to 25 million of the 200 million poorest of the poor in the region would qualify for the MCA, and I believe that is fundamentally mistaken. And if you add to that fact, on page 16 of the bill under paragraph 2, the limitation of assistance provided to countries in that third year not exceeding 20 percent, there is a further constraint.
The other reality is that the MCA ignores the fact that Latin America and Caribbean nations have the worst distribution of income in the world. So while we talk of an average, what good is that if that overwhelming amount of that average is in the hands of the few?
The highly renowned President of the Inter-American Development Bank, Enrique Iglesias, was in my office recently. He said something very interesting, and I would hope that those who look to free trade to improve the lot of those in the developing world and in this hemisphere through the FTAA would consider what he had to say. He said we have so far lost the debate, but people of Latin America and the Caribbean believe that the economic reforms of the 1990s, which were necessary and vitally important, are detrimental to their interests and their livelihoods. In their view, neither a market economy nor democracy delivers the goods.
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Let us take a look at the turmoil in Venezuela or Bolivia or Argentina, and you will come to understand the widespread disaffection and cynicism throughout the hemisphere toward what is the Washington consensus, that economic and political forums are critical steps on the road to prosperity.
We believe in those forums. We need to make the people of the hemisphere believe it as well. If you vote for the Menendez amendment, you will add the following hemispheric countries as potential recipients: Belize, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Jamaica, Paraguay, Peru, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, and Suriname. Several countries from other regions would qualify as well. Now many of these nations may not be eligible in the end under the political and economic eligibility criteria in the bill. In fact, perhaps only five hemispheric nations may pass the eligibility criteria right away, but that is precisely what is novel about the MCA. It provides developing nations with the incentive to enact reforms and earn development assistance under the funds.
So, Mr. Chairman, I see my time is close. Let me just simply say if we want to support Latin America and the hemisphere, and if we want to care about illegal immigration to this country (people who leave their countries because of either civil war or economic unrest have a direct impact on the United States), if we want to stem the tied of narcotics production, we need to give people other sustainable development opportunities. If we want to stem the tide of biodiversity that is being threatened within our hemisphere, if we want to eradicate some of the health problems we are seeing along our own border, we need to make sure that Latin America is truly part of this opportunity. That is what my amendment does, and I would urge passage of it.
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Chairman HYDE. The gentlelady from Florida Ms. Harris.
Ms. HARRIS. I am not quite ready to speak yet.
Chairman HYDE. The Chair recognizes himself for—Mr. Menendez's amendment would make assistance available to all countries earning a per capita national income of less than $2,975. This amendment would significantly disrupt the compromise upon which this bill is based, eligibility based on income. The bill, with White House support, authorizes millennium assistance in 2004 and 2005 only for the poorest countries, those earning less than $1,435 per year. While the Menendez amendment is based on the idea of promoting more assistance for people in Latin and South America, the result of this amendment will be middle-income countries like Russia and Turkey becoming eligible. Only two additional countries in this hemisphere would meet this revised criteria.
The Administration vigorously opposes this bill if this amendment were adopted. This amendment is opposed by the widest possible assemblage of interests imaginable, from Bono of the rock bank U2, to Condoleezza Rice, to the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops. It is pretty broad.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, did Bono sing a tune to that effect?
Chairman HYDE. No. He is a salsa man.
Mr. MENENDEZ. I do not think that is the sensitivity you want to have.
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Chairman HYDE. Well, I like the salsa.
Mr. Lantos and I worked for weeks, if not months, to develop the compromised bill that you see before you. This plan sets aside the Millennium Challenge Account assistance for the poorest countries in 2004 and 2005 and opens up eligibility for lower middle-income countries in 2006. The formula contained in this bill has the support of not only the White House, but of the NGO community, including InterAction and its members, Catholic Relief Services, Bread for the World, and other such organizations.
The Menendez amendment will not accomplish its stated goal. Only two additional Latin American countries would be eligible for MCA assistance. Unfortunately, other middle-income countries around the world less in need of MCA assistance would benefit. Low-income countries have much greater needs, and if they meet the other criteria proposed by the Administration, we will be helping more people on the road to human development and economic growth.
For instance, the infant mortality rate in low-income countries is 69 per 1,000 live births, but in lower middle-income countries, it is only 27 per 1,000 live births. Life expectancy in low-income countries is 56 years, whereas in lower middle-income countries like Turkey, the average life expectancy is 70 years.
The lower middle-income countries that would gain eligibility through the Menendez amendment already have better access to other financial resources to fund their development needs. Low-income countries receive less private capital, have much less capacity to raise tax revenue, and are able to save only half as much as lower- and middle-income countries. Low-income countries have fewer options.
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I urge my colleagues to oppose the Menendez amendment.
Mr. DELAHUNT. Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. Mr. Delahunt.
Mr. DELAHUNT. I thank the Chair for giving me the time, and I want to urge support for the amendment by the Ranking Member of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee. And I applaud him for his persistence and his commitment to the Caribbean, Central America, and South America, and I think he demonstrates what the problem is.
In his statement he indicated that the worst distribution of income in the world is in Latin America. So I think that is an important fact for this Committee to consider. You know, averages can be dangerous. I am sure that if Mr. Bono and U2 were here, they would most likely raise the average income considerably of all of us present here.
You know, the truth is that there have been Administration after Administration, both Republican and Democrat, that have pledged that they would focus on Latin America, and unfortunately that promise has not been kept, including the current Administration. And what bothers me is that when we speak of Latin American policy in the hemisphere, it seems to be restricted to advocacy for a free trade area of the Americas. But that is not good enough. That is not going to do it.
When you look across the landscape of Latin America, you see political instability, you see extraordinary disparity between have and have-nots, again, like Mr. Menendez suggested, unlike anywhere else in the world. This is our neighborhood. Instability and poverty has implications for our national security that are extraordinary. Peru, for example. One now sees President Toledo's approval ratings declining to—I think the last time I saw them published was around 12 or 13 percent, and yet the GDP is up, but it is not being allocated throughout the entire society. Argentina, we witnessed the evaporation of a middle class in that particular country. Paraguay a single-party state with democracy that certainly is not flourishing.
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You can't have real free trade without the rule of law in democratic institutions, and that is why Mr. Menendez and myself and the Chair of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee Mr. Ballenger have been working on this concept that we call a school for democracy in the Americas, to provide a permanent year-round facility for civilian leaders from the hemisphere to hopefully nurture and strengthen those key democratic institutions like an independent judiciary and a healthy legislative body. But you can't have free trade when people are living in such dire poverty that they do not have the capital to be consumers, when they do not have access to education and health care and opportunities and allow them to concentrate on something other than simply survival. And that is what the Menendez's amendment is all about.
So I would hope and urge the Members of the Committee to support this very enlightened amendment.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Would the gentleman yield?
Mr. DELAHUNT. I yield.
Mr. MENENDEZ. I thank the gentleman for yielding and for his support, and I would just add to put in perspective, all of the countries that the distinguished Chairman mentioned are ultimately going to be eligible in the third year. My amendment only makes eight countries, when you look at all of the criteria that these countries must meet, eligible in the first year. Of those eight, two already would be eligible in the second year.
So we have to put this in context. All of the countries mentioned by the Chair are going to be eligible in the third year. Only eight are going to be eligible under my amendment in the first year, two which are already eligible in the second year.
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So the reality is what we want to do is send a signal to Latin American countries that, in fact, there is a real opportunity if you get your act together and meet all of the political——
Chairman HYDE. The gentleman's time has expired.
The Chair wants to announce that about 2:15 there will be another vote, and following the vote, if past its prologue, we will not reassemble, and I would like to move this bill by 2:15, so I ask for brevity on behalf of those who wish to speak.
And the Chair has Mr. Royce of California.
Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, and I will be brief, Mr. Chairman.
I reluctantly speak in opposition to the Menendez amendment. I would like to say that I have had the privilege of working closely with Mr. Menendez, who served as the Ranking Member on the Africa Subcommittee a few Congresses ago, and we traveled throughout Africa. And I appreciate his commitment to the continent, and I appreciate his focus on our deep interest in this hemisphere. And he has made some excellent points. But there is no getting around the fact that the way in which this legislation has been drafted does work to the benefit of the poorest of the poor countries, primarily African countries, and with this amendment we would be changing that. And my concern is that the Millennium Challenge Account pie can only be sliced so many times.
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Congress, working with the current Administration and working with the Clinton Administration, have taken some very positive steps to address Africa's many ills, such as HIV/AIDS legislation and trade legislation, but so much more needs to be done, and the grim realty is that Africa is teetering on the edge of a descent into profound chaos. It is in crisis in a way that other sections of the world, as bad as things may be, just aren't. The world recognizes this. Unless we act decisively and now, I am afraid that large parts of the African continent will experience human suffering and disease and warfare and environmental degradation beyond our belief, and that will be a disaster for Africans, and it will be harmful to our many interests on the continent. And that is why, again, I reluctantly oppose Mr. Menendez's amendment and ask that it be defeated.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HYDE. The gentlelady from Florida Ms. Harris.
Ms. HARRIS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
It looks like there may not be support for this amendment, but I would just ask the Chair and Congress and the White House to reconsider at some point in the near future the opportunity that Mr. Menendez's amendment would create within this hemisphere. We have such a vast income distribution, particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean. These people are living in abject poverty that is created by that extraordinary income distribution. But coupled with Congressman Payne's good amendment, if, indeed, Mr. Menendez's amendment had passed, the accountability would have been tremendously increased mandating the wealth from those—more wealthy. The income distribution would be vested and matched by our MCA commitment, so there would have been an extraordinary opportunity. I think governing justly and investing in people and the economic freedoms would have been a preeminent influence unlike any other we could have had in Latin America and the Caribbean with a very quick response time.
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So I think that you said the countries in Africa are experiencing difficulty with their vast poverty, but I think if you look at some of the concerns that have been occurring throughout the nations in Latin America, if we don't act quickly and provide the kind of opportunities and goals and objectives with that strong pay-back (particularly with the doubling of the MCA grant, because it would have been an investment, from Mr. Payne's amendment), I think we could see great promise. I hope that something will be done in the future with a very strong concentration on Latin America and the Caribbean.
Chairman HYDE. Thank the gentlelady.
The gentlelady from California Mrs. Napolitano.
Mrs. NAPOLITANO. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and I associate my remarks with Ms. Harris. She makes a very good point, specifically when you look—and I will be very brief—that we have for neighbors the South American countries. We are not neighbors with Russia or any of the other countries. We have been wanting to make sure that we stop the influx of ''illegal aliens.'' If we are able to help them increase their income, they may be able to stay in their own country. And if we do not begin by passing the Menendez amendment, at least so they can begin to become aware of what they need to bring themselves up to, then we are not doing our job in bringing our partners in the Western Hemisphere to our table.
So I support and hope that everybody else will vote for the Menendez amendment.
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Chairman HYDE. Mr. Green of Wisconsin.
Mr. GREEN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I think what this debate points out is despite the fact that this is obviously a great sum of money that is behind the Millennium Challenge Account, in terms of the need it is not. It is a limited resource. And, unfortunately, given those limited resources, we have little choice but to target them to countries of greatest need, not based on geography, but literally based upon greatest economic need. Obviously there are reporting requirements in here and a review process, and I think as this Millennium Challenge Account and the MCC moves forward, there will be opportunities to fine-tune and change programs.
I would also point out that an unfortunate effect of my good friend and colleague Mr. Menendez's amendment would be that you would make immediately eligible the lower middle-income nations without a cap, and then in the third year there would suddenly be a cap. That is probably not what Mr. Menendez intended, but it would create an unfortunate——
Mr. MENENDEZ. Would the gentleman yield? Just on two of your points for your consideration, number one, 100 million Latin American citizens are living underneath $1 a day are, certainly among the poorest of the poor, and 200 million living under $2 a day. Under your cap imagine what happens to those countries when they get to finally kick in if they met the other criteria.
Mr. GREEN. Reclaiming your time. Your comments are well taken, but that points out how far even worst off are in other lands. The poverty needs around the globe are so great.
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Finally, in the limited time I have left, I want to, from a fiscal conservative standpoint, encourage my colleagues who are fiscal conservatives to support this legislation. This is, as Mr. Lantos has suggested, the beginning of a revolution. This is how we want to do foreign assistance: Accountability, reinforcement, positive incentives, emphasizing the very values that I think every single person on this Committee believes in. This is foreign assistance at its best.
Chairman HYDE. Mr. Faleomavaega.
Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
As a Member of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee, I will be very quick about this. I think the gentleman from New Jersey made some very pointed issues here concerning the problems we have with Latin America. The bottom line, Mr. Chairman, some 49 million indigenous Indians live worst off than the poorest of the poor, if we are defining the poorest of the poor. And I believe what Mr. Menendez is trying to bring to our attention, with all due respect, and all the hard work of the Chairman and Our Ranking Member have tried to achieve this agreement with the Administration and the White House, but I just want to bring this out to the fact that Latin America is one of the worst situations that we are under, and I sincerely hope that maybe on another occasion we will be able to resolve this situation that Mr. Menendez has brought to the attention of the Members.
Chairman HYDE. As they say in the talk shows, the last word will be Mr. Lantos.
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Mr. LANTOS. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
This debate reminds me of Sophie's Choice. The arguments that my good friend from New Jersey raises and my good friend from Massachusetts raises are very powerful arguments, and I certainly have no countervailing arguments, except two. The first relates to the income distribution issue which has been raised. It is not our fault that income distribution in many Latin American countries is appalling. The countries are not nearly as poor as the poorest of the poor countries that the Millennium Challenge Account is aimed at. It is an appalling income distribution. It is a rotten social system in many cases, and we cannot correct those. Those countries will have to correct them.
I know that my good friend from New Jersey, Mr. Menendez, is offering this amendment in a spirit of goodwill and compassion, and he has advocated for many years on behalf of the Western Hemisphere. He has taught all of us on this Committee and in Congress a great deal, and we deeply respect him, but I think the purpose of the Millennium Challenge Account is, in fact, geared to the poorest of the poor, and the present criteria that the Chairman and I negotiated are designed to achieve those objectives.
If I may just add one more word. One of the reasons why this Committee has probably achieved more than any other Committee is that both on the Republican and Democratic side, we are bound by our word. We have reached a delicately crafted compromise between the Chairman and myself, and I reluctantly and painfully find it necessary to oppose the Menendez amendment and ask my colleagues to vote against it.
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Chairman HYDE. The question occurs on the amendment offered by the gentleman from New Jersey, and the clerk will call the roll.
The CLERK. Mr. Leach.
Mr. LEACH. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Leach votes no.
Mr. Bereuter.
Mr. BEREUTER. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Bereuter votes no.
Mr. Smith of New Jersey?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Burton.
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Gallegly?
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[No response.]
The CLERK. Ms. Ros-Lehtinen.
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Ballenger.
Mr. BALLENGER. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Ballenger votes no.
Mr. Rohrabacher.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Rohrabacher votes no.
Mr. Royce.
Mr. ROYCE. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Royce votes no.
Mr. King?
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[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Chabot.
Mr. CHABOT. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Chabot votes no.
Mr. Houghton.
Mr. HOUGHTON. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Houghton votes no.
Mr. McHugh?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Tancredo.
Mr. TANCREDO. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Tancredo votes no.
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Mr. Paul.
Mr. PAUL. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Paul votes no.
Mr. Smith of Michigan.
Mr. SMITH OF MICHIGAN. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Smith of Michigan votes no.
Mr. Pitts?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Flake?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mrs. Davis.
Mrs. DAVIS. No.
The CLERK. Mrs. Davis votes no.
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Mr. Green.
Mr. GREEN. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Green votes no.
Mr. Weller.
Mr. WELLER. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Weller votes no.
Mr. Pence.
Mr. PENCE. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Pence votes no.
Mr. McCotter.
Mr. MCCOTTER. No.
The CLERK. Mr. McCotter votes no.
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Mr. Janklow.
Mr. JANKLOW. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Janklow votes no.
Ms. Harris.
Ms. HARRIS. Pass.
The CLERK. Ms. Harris passes.
Mr. Lantos.
Mr. LANTOS. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Lantos votes no.
Mr. Berman.
Mr. BERMAN. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Berman votes no.
Mr. Ackerman?
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[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Faleomavaega.
Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Faleomavaega votes no.
Mr. Payne.
Mr. PAYNE. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Payne votes no.
Mr. Menendez.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Aye.
The CLERK. Mr. Menendez votes aye.
Mr. Brown?
[No response.]
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The CLERK. Mr. Sherman?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Wexler.
Mr. WEXLER. Aye.
The CLERK. Mr. Wexler votes aye.
Mr. Engel.
Mr. ENGEL. Aye.
The CLERK. Mr. Engel votes aye.
Mr. Delahunt.
Mr. DELAHUNT. Aye.
The CLERK. Mr. Delahunt votes aye.
Mr. Meeks?
[No response.]
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The CLERK. Ms. Lee.
Ms. LEE. No.
The CLERK. Ms. Lee votes no.
Mr. Crowley.
Mr. CROWLEY. Aye.
The CLERK. Mr. Crowley votes aye.
Mr. Hoeffel.
Mr. HOEFFEL. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Hoeffel votes aye.
Mr. Blumenauer?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Ms. Berkley.
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Ms. BERKLEY. Yes.
The CLERK. Ms. Berkley votes yes.
Mrs. Napolitano.
Mrs. NAPOLITANO. Aye.
The CLERK. Mrs. Napolitano votes aye.
Mr. Schiff.
Mr. SCHIFF. Aye.
The CLERK. Mr. Schiff votes aye.
Ms. Watson?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Smith?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Ms. McCollum.
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Ms. MCCOLLUM. No.
The CLERK. Ms. McCollum votes no.
Mr. Bell.
Mr. BELL. Aye.
The CLERK. Mr. Bell votes aye.
Chairman Hyde.
Chairman HYDE. No.
The CLERK. Chairman Hyde votes no.
Mr. Blumenauer.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. How am I recorded?
The CLERK. Mr. Blumenauer is not recorded.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. No.
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The CLERK. Mr. Blumenauer votes no.
Chairman HYDE. Clerk will report.
The CLERK. On this vote there are 10 yeses and 24 noes.
Chairman HYDE. And the amendment is not agreed to.
The question occurs on the motion to report the bill H.R.——
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, I have a second amendment at the desk, but I will refrain if I could be recognized in the final moment.
Chairman HYDE. That is certainly a happy deal, and I recognize you—as distinguished from a Happy Meal.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, the second amendment would have moved this to at least—I do hope that Members of the Committee will have an opportunity—I appreciate my distinguished Ranking Member telling me that for a decade that I have been sitting on this Committee, we have educated Members of the Committee as to what is happening in Latin America and the need, but for a decade we have been unable to get this Committee's attention to focus. We are not responsible for disparities just as we are not responsible for the poor as well, but there are poor throughout this hemisphere. Nearly 50 percent of the people in this hemisphere live below the poverty level. At the end of the day, when we are right there with our neighbors on immigration, on health care, on biodiversity, on a variety of drug interdiction and free trade issues, we have to address this hemisphere's needs.
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Mr. DELAHUNT. Would my friend yield?
I want to echo the sentiments expressed by Mr. Menendez. I think it has been for 10 years that the gentleman from New Jersey has put forth the concept of a trust fund for the Americas. We are now working on—as I indicated earlier, on this school of democracy for the Americas. And I do hope that at some point in time both of these concepts become proposals that will be considered by the Full Committee, because the truth is, Mr. Chairman, we are running out of time when it comes to Latin America.
I yield back.
Chairman HYDE. The Chair would like to say that he agrees with Mr. Menendez and Mr. Delahunt. I think Latin America is a critical area of the globe, very important to us. We will devote attention to it, focus to it, but this is not the bill, but we will. And your lessons are well learned.
Question occurs on the motion to report the bill H.R. 2441 favorably as amended. All in favor, say aye.
Opposed, no.
The ayes have it.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I request a recorded vote.
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Chairman HYDE. There is a vote pending.
The CLERK. Mr. Leach.
Mr. LEACH. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Leach votes yes.
Mr. Bereuter.
Mr. BEREUTER. Aye.
The CLERK. Mr. Bereuter votes aye.
Mr. Smith of New Jersey?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Burton?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Gallegly?
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[No response.]
The CLERK. Ms. Ros-Lehtinen.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Yes.
The CLERK. Ms. Ros-Lehtinen votes aye.
Mr. Ballenger?
Mr. BALLENGER. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Ballenger votes aye.
Mr. Rohrabacher.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Rohrabacher votes aye.
Mr. Royce.
Mr. ROYCE. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Royce votes aye.
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Mr. King?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Chabot.
Mr. CHABOT. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Chabot votes no.
Mr. Houghton.
Mr. HOUGHTON. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Houghton votes aye.
Mr. McHugh?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Tancredo?
[No response.]
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The CLERK. Mr. Paul.
Mr. PAUL. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Paul votes no.
Mr. Smith of Michigan.
Mr. SMITH OF MICHIGAN. No.
The CLERK. Mr. Smith of Michigan votes no.
Mr. Pitts?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Flake.
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mrs. Davis.
Mrs. DAVIS. No.
The CLERK. Mrs. Davis votes no.
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Mr. Green.
Mr. GREEN. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Green votes aye.
Mr. Weller.
Mr. WELLER. Aye.
The CLERK. Mr. Weller votes aye.
Mr. Pence.
Mr. PENCE. Aye.
The CLERK. Mr. Pence votes aye.
Mr. McCotter.
Mr. MCCOTTER. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. McCotter votes aye.
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Mr. Janklow.
Mr. JANKLOW. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Janklow votes yes.
Ms. Harris.
Ms. HARRIS. Yes.
The CLERK. Ms. Harris votes aye.
Mr. Lantos.
Mr. LANTOS. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Lantos votes aye.
Mr. Berman?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Ackerman?
[No response.]
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The CLERK. Mr. Faleomavaega?
Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Faleomavaega votes aye.
Mr. Payne.
Mr. PAYNE. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Payne votes aye.
Mr. Menendez.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Aye.
The CLERK. Mr. Menendez votes aye.
Mr. Brown?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Sherman?
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[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Wexler.
Mr. WEXLER. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Wexler votes aye.
Mr. Engel.
Mr. ENGEL. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Engel votes aye.
Mr. Delahunt.
Mr. DELAHUNT. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Delahunt votes aye.
Mr. Meeks?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Ms. Lee.
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Ms. LEE. Yes.
The CLERK. Ms. Lee votes aye.
Mr. Crowley.
Mr. CROWLEY. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Crowley votes aye.
Mr. Hoeffel.
Mr. HOEFFEL. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Hoeffel votes aye.
Mr. Blumenauer.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Aye.
The CLERK. Mr. Blumenauer votes aye.
Ms. Berkley.
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Ms. BERKLEY. Yes.
The CLERK. Ms. Berkley votes aye.
Mrs. Napolitano.
Mrs. NAPOLITANO. Yes.
The CLERK. Mrs. Napolitano votes aye.
Mr. Schiff.
Mr. SCHIFF. Aye.
The CLERK. Mr. Schiff votes aye.
Ms. Watson?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Mr. Smith of Washington?
[No response.]
The CLERK. Ms. McCollum.
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Ms. MCCOLLUM. Yes.
The CLERK. Ms. McCollum votes aye.
Mr. Bell.
Mr. BELL. Yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Bell votes aye.
Chairman Hyde.
Chairman HYDE. Yes.
The CLERK. Chairman Hyde votes aye.
Chairman HYDE. Mr. Brown?
Mr. BROWN. Votes yes.
The CLERK. Mr. Brown votes yes.
Chairman HYDE. Clerk will report.
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The CLERK. On this vote, 31 yeas and 4 noes.
Chairman HYDE. And the motion is adopted.
Without objection, the Chairman is authorized to move to go to conference pursuant to House rule 22. Without objection, the bill will be reported favorably to the House in the form of a single amendment in the nature of a substitute incorporating the amendments adopted here today.
And the Chair recognizes Mr. Menendez.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, thank you for the courtesy.
I want to recognize a longstanding staff member of the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere—the Democratic Staff Director is leaving us. He served with me for over half a decade and also served in the State Department and in the Department of Defense. He is moving on to the private sector, and I wanted to publicly thank him on behalf of all the people of the hemisphere for which he has done so much work, Pedro Pablo Permuy. Good luck to you.
Chairman HYDE. On that happy note, the Committee stands adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 2:15 p.m., the Committee was adjourned.]
A P P E N D I X
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Material Submitted for the Hearing Record
PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE JAMES A. LEACH, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF IOWA
H.R. 2330
Thank you , Mr. Chairman. I am pleased to support this important and timely initiative. As Members may be aware, on June 10 the Subcommittee considered and favorably reported to the full committee without amendment H.R. 2330, the ''Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003.''
At the outset, let me note on behalf of the Subcommittee that although this measure has been cosponsored by many Members of this Committee, including Chairman Hyde and the distinguished ranking Member of the full committee, Mr. Lantos, none of us takes lightly a decision to impose sanctions on another country.
In the case of Burma, however, over the last several months the U.S. has watched with growing frustration and dismay as prospects for political change have withered away in the face of the ruling military regime's determination to maintain an iron grip on power.
We are all of course pleased at the news that the UN Special Envoy for Burma was allowed to see Aung San Suu Kyi and that she is apparently in ''feisty spirits'' and credible health.
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However, the brutal attack by the regime's henchmen on Daw Suu's traveling party, the broader crackdown against pro-democracy forces, and the vastly diminished prospects for a democratic transition leave the U.S. with no option but to reassess its already limited relationship with the Government of Burma.
While economic sanctions are seldom successful, the long train of abuses perpetrated by Burma's military regime leaves the U.S. and other members of the international community—most particularly, Burma's neighbors in ASEAN—with no ethical or political alternative but to embrace the full range of diplomatic and economic policy options, including sanctions, to help bring about a restoration of democracy and national reconciliation in Burma. I urge the adoption of the legislation.
PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE DOUG BEREUTER, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEBRASKA
H. CON. RES. 209
The resolution before us expresses the support of the Congress for the Adriatic Charter, and it was unanimously approved by the Subcommittee on Europe yesterday.
The charter was signed on May 2, 2003, in the Albanian capital of Tirana by Secretary of State Powell and the foreign ministers of Albania, Croatia, and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the three remaining NATO aspirant nations, which were not invited to begin accession negotiations with the Alliance at the 2002 Prague Summit.
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I thank my colleague, the distinguished gentleman from New York, Mr. Engel, for authoring this legislation and for working with the subcommittee staff and me.
Mr. Engel has long been a champion of Albania in this House, and the Adriatic Charter represents one more step for Albania, as well as for Croatia and Macedonia, in their journey toward full membership in Euro-Atlantic institutions like NATO and the European Union.
The Adriatic Charter pledges the United States to support efforts by Albania, Croatia and Macedonia to join NATO and other Euro-Atlantic institutions. In this agreement, the three aspirant nations commit themselves to accelerate their democratic reforms, protect human rights, implement market-oriented economic policies, and enhance their mutual cooperation.
Under the Adriatic Charter, the United States and these three countries pledge to consult whenever the security of one of them is threatened. For their part, the aspirant countries promise to continue defense reforms and undertake steps to enhance border security, so they can contribute to regional stability.
Some of the language in the Adriatic Charter might look familiar. Indeed, this document was based on the successful Baltic Charter, which was signed in 1998 with Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Five years ago, few observers would have been so bold as to predict that those three countries, occupied for 50 years by the Soviet Union, would be poised to join NATO and the EU next year.
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The Baltic Charter signified an American commitment to help those three countries in their successful efforts join NATO and the EU. Today, the Adriatic Charter holds the potential of helping Albania, Croatia and Macedonia achieve the same goals.
I would like to recognize the efforts of Secretary of State Powell and of our diplomats working in the European and Eurasian bureau of the State Department for their initiative in crafting the Adriatic Charter. As NATO prepares to admit seven new countries next year, it is important that the three remaining candidate countries not be forgotten. NATO's door remains open to all who are willing and able to assume the responsibilities of membership, and it is important that the Congress assert that it is the achievements of Albania, Croatia and Macedonia that will determine when their aspirations for accession will be realized.
The Adriatic Charter is also one more step toward President Bush's goal of a Europe whole and free from the Baltic to the Black Sea. I commend and congratulate the people of Albania, Croatia and Macedonia for their initiative and progress, and I urge approval of this resolution.
PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE RON PAUL, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF TEXAS
H.R. 2441
Mr. Chairman, I strongly oppose this legislation. It increases our foreign aid by 50 percent at a time when Americans are increasingly feeling the pain of a troubled economy, when unemployment continues to rise, and when our federal deficit continues to spiral out of control. It is always immoral to take money from the American taxpayer and send it overseas, but it is particularly immoral in these difficult economic times.
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This massive new aid program pretends to be a completely new approach to the ''old way'' of giving foreign aid, which even supporters agree has not produced the results envisioned. The truth is that this is just more of the same. There are new criteria to make a country eligible for this aid. There are several tests that a country must pass to be eligible. On the surface it looks like a more results-oriented approach. But just below the surface this legislation is the same old foreign aid game: billions of dollars to corrupt and inept regimes, social engineering, and meddling in the internal affairs of other countries.
The program seeks to funnel US aid money into countries that are pursuing sound economic policies, including respect for private property and a market economy. But sending millions of dollars into an economy in the process of reform will not help that economy. On the contrary: these millions will actually mask areas where an economy is inefficient and unproductive. This assistance will slow down necessary reform by providing a hidden subsidy to sectors of the economy in need of reform/restructuring. We thus do no favors for the recipient country in the long term with this harmful approach.
One of the criteria to determine whether a country is eligible for this aid is whether the government of that country is spending enough money on health care and education. Are we rewarding countries for pursuing the same failed socialist policies that have led them down the road to poverty in the first place? If nothing else, hasn't the history of the 20th century shown us that socialism does not work? Does socialized medicine work anywhere? Ask Canadians, who routinely cross the border from their socialized system to our relatively free-market system to get decent healthcare. Yet these are some of the main criteria for eligibility.
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Other goals and criteria are likewise troubling. This new aid program seeks to ''foster economic and social pluralism.'' This sounds like rewarding a heavy governmental hand in social and economic development. Also, it seeks to impose international standards of workers rights on recipient countries regardless of whether this may actually harm the economies in transition and the very workers we are seeking to assist. Interestingly, it also seeks to ''promote foreign competition'' in the banking and financial sectors of the recipient countries. Further, the bill states that the aid will ''improve the technical capacities of governments to reduce production of and demand for illicit narcotics.'' What this means, we know, is more money for our failed drug war.
The background materials provided by the Committee were very useful and should provide a cautionary tale. ''. . . [M]any US aid programs have not achieved results over the years,'' the materials inform us. ''Some assistance has allowed corrupt leaders to amass personal fortunes and remain in power beyond the will of the citizenry . . . Other assistance has gone to consultants or middlemen with no results to show in the end.'' But in light of the admitted failure of our aid programs in the past, the Committee background paper illogically continues, ''These failures of the past should not lead us to turn our backs on the developing world—just the opposite.'' Am I to understand that the solution to a failed policy is to pursue that same policy to an even greater degree? Does that make sense? And to top it off, there will be not even a penny of reduction in our old aid programs, which all admit are not working!
Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to join me in opposing this wasteful and destructive legislation.
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PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE JOSEPH R. PITTS, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA
H. RES. 264
Mr. Chairman, I stand in strong support of H. Res. 264 expressing sympathy for the victims of the devastating earthquake in Algeria on May 21, 2003
Natural disasters, such as earthquakes, can wreak havoc in a community or nation.
At times like these, it is vital to come to the support and aid of our friends.
I am pleased that our nation has assisted the Algerians in the emergency phase of their response to the earthquake and I encourage our government to support the Algerians as they seek to their rebuild homes and communities.
Algeria is an important partner and friend of the United States in many respects, not the least of which is in the war against terror—the Algerians have experienced the horrors of terrorism in their own land for many years.
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I urge my colleagues to support this Resolution.
H.R. 2330
Mr. Chairman, I strongly support H. R. 2330, the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 and would like to offer an amendment to increase the findings of the legislation to highlight the ethnic cleansing in which the ruling military dictatorship is involved.
Numerous reports by NGOs, the media, the State Department, the United Nations and other governments show that the SPDC has committed horrifying human rights abuses against its citizens.
The military regime is guilty of ethnic cleansing, systematic rape, forced porterage, destruction of homes, villages and food sources, the use of human land mine sweepers, and the detention of over 1200 political prisoners.
In Article 2 of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, genocide is defined as ''any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.''
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I know some might be reticent to use the term, but according to the international definition of genocide, the SPDC is engaged in genocide against the ethnic peoples of Burma.
I traveled to the Thai-Burma border in January and met with NGOs, refugees, and government officials.
One of the most heart-wrenching aspects of my visit was a visit to an orphanage. There we listened to stories about the tragedy in these young lives.
One group of four children, the oldest was 12, had lost their father; their mother could not take care of them so she brought them to the orphanage.
An eight-year-old boy, who could not smile, had lost both parents, was then trafficked across the border to Thailand, somehow escaped from his ''owners,'' and reached the safety of the refugee camps.
It is heartbreaking to know that many children, including the orphans, have had to watch family or community members be killed by the SPDC, be wounded or killed by landmine explosions, be raped, or even burned alive.
The suffering of the people of Burma has gone on too long.
Sadly, the international community has shown little willingness to vigorously address the issues facing the people of Burma, but H. R. 2330 is an important step to directly impact the situation in the country.
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I demand that the dictatorship release Aung San Suu Kyi from detention.
I also demand that the dictatorship of Burma immediately engage in a tri-partite dialogue with the National League for Democracy and the ethnic minorities.
Only when the rights of the NLD and the ethnic minorities are recognized and protected will there be peace in Burma.
I urge the government of Thailand to refrain from cracking down and even deporting individuals and groups helping the Burmese people. Just yesterday I received a call that one of the most effective humanitarian workers along the Thai-Burma border may be deported.
NGOs are NOT the enemy. Rather than cracking down on people who provide assistance so the refugees can survive, the Thai leadership should seriously reconsider its relationship with the thugs in Rangoon.
I urge my colleagues to support the legislation and my amendment.
87676a.eps
PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE JOSEPH CROWLEY, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK
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H. CON. RES. 49
Mr. Chairman, I strongly support this resolution, and I urge my colleagues to do so as well. I also want to thank the gentleman from New Jersey, Chris Smith, for sponsoring this crucial legislation.
I am very aware of the danger of being inactive about the threat of anti-Semitism. It was anti-Semitism that was responsible for the horrors of the Holocaust, the most horrible crime committed against the Jewish people ever.
As Members of Congress, we have a special responsibility that this is never going to happen again. Wherever anti-Semitism is emerging, we have to be aware and take the necessary steps to counter this threat.
And sadly, I have to say here today that nearly sixty years after the end of World War II, anti-Semitism in Europe, in many of the OSCE member states, is on the rise again. Anti-Semitism is spreading across Europe, the states of the Caucasus and Central Asia. Once again, we witness evil propaganda, physical attacks against Jews, the burning of Jewish sites as well as the desecration of synagogues. We must not stand aside and ignore this grave escalation of anti-Semitic violence. Neither must we ignore the hatred stirred by skinheads and other neo-fascist groups throughout the OSCE region. We have to make sure that the seeds of intolerance will never again be sown across Europe and Asia.
This resolution addresses this threat. It particularly calls on administration officials and Members of Congress to focus on anti-Semitism in their bilateral and multilateral meetings. It calls upon OSCE member states to swiftly and effectively bring anti-Semitists and other racists to justice. Finally, but most importantly, Mr. Chairman, this resolution calls upon participating OSCE states to focus on educational endeavors to fight anti-Semitic stereotypes, and to increase Holocaust awareness. The best weapon in our battle against anti-Semitism is education, especially of children and young people.
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I also like to point out that this piece of legislation is similar to a resolution I introduced last year. House Resolution 393 also addresses the anti-Semitic threat in the OSCE region and urges European governments to provide security and safety of the Jewish communities, to prosecute and punish perpetrators of anti-Semitic violence, and to cultivate a climate in which all forms of anti-Semitism are rejected. I was proud that my colleagues in Congress joined me in sending this message to the European Union, but we must go further. Anti-Semitism continues to fester not only in Western Europe, but throughout Eastern Europe and into the Former Soviet Union and the Caucuses. This resolution is the right follow up to my legislation passed last Congress.
Mr. Chairman, the threat of anti-Semitism is looming large and our fight against it is far from over but I believe that recognizing this problem and taking action is critical. House Resolution 49 is just doing that as it takes essential steps to ban the problem of anti-Semitism forever from this earth. I thus urge all of my colleagues to strongly support this resolution. Thank you.